In 2000, the number of foreign-born individuals in New York City from the island nation of Haiti was 95,580, whereby they constituted 3.3 percent of the city’s total foreign-born population of 2,871,032. Haitians were the 7th largest immigrant group in New York City in 2000.
Haitian Immigrant History Timeline on Dipity.
The above timeline provides a brief history of Haitian immigration to the United States. Throughout its history, Haiti has been plagued with natural disasters, political unrest, economic turmoil, and violence. This has caused large number of Haitians to flee their country. There has also been an increasing number of undocumented Haitians entering the United States without legal papers. U.S. foreign policies directed a Haiti have played an important role in explaining the current composition of the Haitian foreign-born population in New York City and the rest of the United States.
Between 1990-1999, 59.5 percent foreign-born Haitians in New York City entered the United States under the family preference category created by the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act, and 35.0 percent did so under the immediate relatives category. Clearly, family-related visas provide a major form of entry for Haitian immigrants, even though the usage of these visa continues to decline for other immigrant groups in the city as a whole (Lobo and Salvo 2004).
Upon examining Haiti, it becomes clear why Haitian immigrants in New York City rely on family-based visas to the extent that they do. In Haiti, family is held sacred and family is involved in every decision that individuals make. Haitians, furthermore, are known for having large extended families and they maintain strong familial bonds even when living far apart (Cook Ross 2010). This suggests that Haitian migration follows the new economics and social capital theories, which explain that migration is encouraged by the family unit and connections in the destination country (Massey 1999).
Finally, as the above pie chart shows, the Haitian foreign born in New York City do not make extensive use of either the employment or the refugee visa admissions categories. Employment visas are rare as many of the recent Haitian foreign born are not highly skilled (Cook Ross 2010). Additionally, unlike the foreign born from former Soviet Republics and Cuba, Haitians have a tough time obtaining refugee status. Part of the reason behind this distinction is political, but part is economic. Haitian dictator Duvalier was a fierce opponent of communism during the Cold War. As a result, the United States often ignored the numerous human rights violations that occurred under Duvalier and routinely denied Haitians fleeing the Duvalier regime refugee status (Loescher and Scanlan 1984). Furthermore, recent waves of immigrants from the island have largely been unskilled laborers, not exiled leaders allowing the United States government to label them “economic entrants,” also denying them asylum despite the continued instability in Haiti (Fernandez n.d.).
Foreign-born Haitians have distinct settlement patterns in New York City. Many live in neighborhoods with high concentrations of other Haitian foreign-born individuals, underscoring the significance of social capital in settlement patterns. Social capital, or migrant networks, assist Haitians with the transition to life in America. As the above bar graph shows, in 1990 and 2000, the largest clusters of foreign-born Haitians could be found in Brooklyn and Queens. Queens, which Joseph Salvo from New York City’s Population Division claims to be “one of the most diverse places on Earth,” and Brooklyn, have both had significant increases in the number of foreign-born Haitians since 1990 (Colangelo 2009). Other boroughs like Manhattan, Staten Island, and the Bronx have experienced relatively minor increases in the number of foreign-born Haitians.
The above map also illustrates that large numbers of foreign-born Haitians lived in the boroughs of Brooklyn and Queens in 2000.
The above bar graph shows the different socioeconomic characteristics of New York City’s foreign-born Haitians compared to native-born New Yorkers and the city’s foreign-born population more generally. In 2000, about half of foreign-born Haitians aged five and over (49.9 percent) lacked English proficiency, a percentage similar to that for all foreign born in the city (48.2 percent). Haitians’ high school graduation rate (68.8 percent) is slightly higher than for the foreign born more generally (64.7 percent), but lower than for native-born New Yorkers (78.4 percent). Also, a relatively smaller percentage of foreign-born Haitians have college or higher degrees. Finally, the poverty rate for foreign-born Haitians is similar to that of other immigrants and native-born New Yorkers, and nearly one in every five foreign-born Haitians lives below the federal poverty line.
The horizontal bar graph shown above illustrates the various occupations female and male foreign-born Haitians living in New York City were employed in. In 2000, there were a total of 26,216 female Haitians aged 16 and over employed, compared to 22,661 foreign-born Haitian males. Forty-seven percent of the female foreign-born Haitian population worked in the service industry, and the smallest percentages, 0.5 percent each, worked each in the farming, fishing, and forestry industry and construction, extraction, and maintenance industry. Nearly 35 percent of male foreign-born Haitians worked in the production, transportation and material moving industry, while the smallest percentage (0.5 percent) worked in the farming, fishing and forestry industry. Given New York City’s urban economy, it is not surprising to find only a small percentage of foreign-born Haitians working in farming, fishing and forestry. More Haitians work in the managerial and service occupations, because there are more such job opportunities in New York City.
Sources:
”Background on Haiti and Haitian Health Culture.” 2010. A Cultural Competence Primary from Cook Ross Inc. Cook Ross Inc.
“Timeline Haiti.” Timelines of History, Today in History, World History – Timelines.ws.
Colangelo, Lisa L. 2009. “Queens one of ‘most diverse places on Earth,’ new figures show.” New York Daily News. (July 12)
Fernandaz, Lilia. “The Last in Line.” GBGM-UMC.org.
Lobo, Arun Peter, and Joseph J. Salvo. 2004. The Newest New Yorkers, 2000: Immigrant New York in the New Millennium. New York: New York City Department of City Planning, Population Division.
Loescher, Gilburt, and John Scanlan. 1984. “Human Rights, U.S. Foreign Policy, and Haitian Refugees.” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 26(3): 313-56.
Massey, Douglas S. 1999. “Why Does Immigration Occur? A Theoretical Synthesis.” Pp. 34-52 in The Handbook of International Migration: The American Experience, edited by Charles Hirschman et al. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Wasem, Ruth Ellen. 2010. US Immigration Policy on Haitian Migrants. RS21349. Washington, D.C: Congressional Research Service.
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