Author Archives: Cheyn Shah

The Festa, Women, and American History

While most of the description of the festa centers on Italian Harlem and its dwellers, Orsi makes a brief yet fascinating sojourn detour in which he describes how the festa fit into American history. Religious authority in Italian Harlem wanted recognition from the Vatican, and the immigrants themselves wanted recognition as part of New York’s longstanding fabric. Father Tofini’s appeal to the Pope stated that the Madonna deserved a crown because she was of “longstanding antiquity”—even though the festa was only two decades old at that point. According to Tofini, this was barely a generation by European standards but was an era by American ones.

This got me thinking about how we view our own history. Americans have the most abbreviated history of perhaps any country. We tend to disregard Native Americans and Spanish colonization and begin with the English settlers of Jamestown. This gives us barely five hundred years to work with, and is probably the reason why we tend to view very small periods of time as being entire epochs. More importantly, it is probably why we develop such a personal connection to our political figures. The reason we constantly reference the Founding Fathers in our political discourse is that they did not die all that long ago. In our language, in the way we constantly ask ourselves what the Founding Fathers would have wanted, we portray them not as founding legislators but as scarcely deceased grandparents. Tofini was right. The American conception of time is very zoomed in, affixed to details, able to extrapolate huge themes and epic struggles from short amounts of time.

The other thing which interested me was Orsi’s idea of a female spiritual hierarchy. The Italian immigrants were obsessed with the image of the suffering mother, and they sought to live that image whenever possible. To be a woman, married or unmarried, was then to experience constant pressure and to be expected to endure it for the sake of the domus and the community. This, more than anything else, was the ideal trait of a woman in Italian Harlem: the ability to suffer unceasingly without complaint. It is strange that the Madonna, who provided the template by which the community subjected women to such pressure, also served as a spiritual friend to those same women.

Women in Italian Harlem-Cheyn Shah

Orsi’s book in general focuses on contradictions. The domus is a source of both extraordinary pride and bitter resentment for its inhabitants—not in turn, but at the same time. It is this psychic mingling that Orsi most enjoys describing, and it is at its apex when Orsi describes the role of women in the domus.

Italian women in East Harlem were part of a comically complex system. They were indirect power brokers: it was they who determined how money was spent and who could call the domus theirs, but at the same time they had to remain publicly subservient to men. An unmarried woman, who was a member rather than a leader of a domus, had it the worst. Her condition was one of unending and unfair submission, to her brothers, her father, her mother, and the obsessive eye of the community.

I found it strange that East Harlem allowed women to play these opposed roles. Why did the matriarch, who ran the central unit of Italian life, have to express her power in indirect ways? It was no secret that women ran the domestic show, and the public subservience of the matriarch was therefore an elaborate and wholly unnecessary spectacle. Men futilely attempted to show that they had power, and the roots of their actions were in vindictiveness.

For while matriarchs were revered for their wisdom, they were also despised for their cunning. An effective matriarch oppressed her daughters, undermined her husband, and pitted her sons against each other. Thus, whenever men were given control over women’s lives, men’s decisions seem to have been guided by a repressed pool of resentment. Thus we see the men of East Harlem ruining the reputations of young women, and demanding ridiculous public displays of obeisance. These actions were often ridiculous means of compensation, but they were born in bitterness.

Orsi p. 75-96, 107-129 (Cheyn Shah)

These chapters showed me that my stereotype of Italian family life was incorrect. I had always imagined Italian families from that generation to be far warmer than what Orsi describes. The huge number of Mafia movies set during that time period that I watched portrayed Italian families obsessed with rispetto and disdainful of outsiders, but also tremendously warm and gregarious with one another. This stereotypical family refused to let its sons and daughters date outside the community, and it had nothing but contempt for those who did not support their families with hard work—but it also wrapped its members in a cocoon of endless gatherings, gifts, and feasts.

Orsi would tell me I was wrong. To him, rispetto was colder and more complex. Mothers denied their children the chance to play or even to go outside; fathers gave their children little except tyrannical posturing. At first, this was contradictory to me. If the chief concern of the domus is to protect its own, why would those within it be so needlessly cruel to each other?

The answer, it seems, is that a family in Italian Harlem was not made up of individuals who cooperated to ensure one another’s well being. The domus was not a family as we know it; it was a body that disregarded the individuals within it, that judges its parents and its children based not on their ability to make each other happy but on their ability to show rispetto to one another and the outside world.

We may think of this structure as oppressive. There can be no doubt that the children of immigrants did. In some cases, it seems, even their parents had lingering issues with it. Yet the domus could not be given up. While it and its emphasis on respect were external, its values were internal. No one taught children rispetto; it was so deeply engrained in Italian Harlem that children merely absorbed it like air or water. It was so pervasive, so deeply rooted in people’s minds, that it was nearly impossible to escape.

Response #4: Orsi Chapters 1 and 2 (Cheyn Shah)

Orsi goes to great length to describe the depredations of Italian Harlem. Crime is rampant, people are poor, and privacy is nonexistent. People desperately miss Italy, even though they may well have been worse off there. Yet after providing such extensive support for this thesis, after labeling the area as miserable, he changes course. At the end of Chapter 2, numerous people talk about Italian Harlem fondly. To them, t was dirty, it was cramped, it was alien and dangerous, but it was home.

This surprised me. How does one go so rapidly from one nation to the next, especially when in the latter nation you are treated poorly at every turn? How can someone call decrepitude their home, especially when that decrepitude is an ocean away from their culture? Do different groups of immigrants experience this differently?

It seems like the Italian immigrants of that era settled in quickly if uneasily. Is that the ‘average’ experience of an immigrant? Are there certain groups who feel more comfortable more quickly here? Conversely, are there people who never weave themselves a place in our social fabric?

The second thing I found interesting was Orsi’s mention of Italian Harlem’s diversity. The name ‘Italian Harlem’ suggests a sort of monolith, solid and homogenous, but according to Orsi things were never that way. In fact, Italian Harlem’s history is one of tension: first with the Irish, then the Jews, and then with the Puerto Ricans and African Americans. In the presence of such diversity and tension, how were Italians able to express their culture as jubilantly as they did during the festa of the Madonna? Maybe the feeling of isolation inspired solidarity, and the festa was a challenge as well as a ritual. Perhaps it is when a people feel most alone and threatened that they produce their most extravagant public displays.

Foner Chapter 2-Cheyn Shah

I’d already known about the appalling living conditions for immigrants in the late nineteenth century, but Foner’s book reminded me. The one area in which we think of the previous generation’s immigrants as having suffered or been mistreated is housing—the squalor of the Lower East Side is a sort of archetypal image in New York City, with its own attendant institution (the Tenement museum) and chronicler (Jacob Riis). The sheer density was the most astounding. While I am aware Manhattan is crowded, and that it used to be more so, I had no idea that Manhattan was once crowded in a way that redefined what it meant to live, where not only space but air seemed to be a scarce commodity. This more than crime or employment was the bane of the old immigrant’s life, and escaping it allowed for upward mobility.

New York City developments, such as the consolidation of 1898 and the opening of the subway in 1904, finally allowed for people to move out of lower Manhattan, to settle uptown and further. There can be no doubt that this decentralization helped Italians and Jews to become more prosperous and comfortable, though homogenous neighborhoods and discrimination were still the norm.

The one thing that intrigues me about today’s immigration is the concept of ethnic succession; more specifically that new waves of immigration may have actually prevented New York from an endless fall into urban decay. As whites moved out of the city center, seeking larger homes and more segregated communities, immigrants moved in, ensuring that the city had the tax base needed to provide essential services. While immigrants also move to the suburbs, and increasingly move straight there, they are without a doubt concentrated in the five boroughs, meaning that we can thank them to some degree for the continuing viability of New York City’s infrastructure and services.

Falzer and Steinberg: Assimilation and Patriotism

I identified with the point Falzer made about American patriotism. It definitely seems like we prize national symbols and compete to be the most fervent supporters of our country more than other nations; what I had not thought of was that this could be due to our lack of a unified culture. I wonder whether this sort of compensation is a good thing. On the one hand, this sort of aggressive patriotism is probably responsible for our domineering presence on the world. A more timid nation probably could not have become a superpower on par with us, even if endowed with our resources and population. On the other hand, a nation less obsessively concerned with demonstrating its affection for itself may not have become as willing to fight countless wars abroad.

Steinberg’s statement that assimilation is happening faster than we think also struck me as unusual. We think of post-1965 immigrants as remaining stubbornly separate, divided by language and secured in their own urban enclaves. This is apparently untrue; the rate of assimilation among Asian and Latino immigrants is staggering. I found this to be true based on personal experience; furthermore, I think generational assimilation is fueled by the first off the boat. Immigrant parents often actively encourage their children to join American cultural life in order to maximize the children’s chances of success. They know that their children will be furnished with the languages and culture of their home country, but also that their children will speak English and be comfortable in American society. The combination is a powerful one, and there is a strong incentive for immigrants to ensure the assimilation of their children, even if it may be too late for them. Thus, the ethnic enclave as we conceive it may come to be a thing of the past, as the children of immigrants come to define themselves as more American than anything else.

Foner: “Who They Are and Why They Have Come” Response (Cheyn Shah)

Our cultural consciousness generally thinks of immigrants as poor, often uneducated. This does not necessarily mean that we think of newcomers to this country as less intelligent or hardworking—we just assume that there is some financial or educational deficit that drove them to come here.

Foner begins the chapter by noting that this is no longer true. Many immigrants now arrive in New York with advanced degrees; unlike the Jews and Italians of a century ago, many now arrive comfortably ensconced in the middle class. I found this interesting because it places my family’s immigration in a larger context. My father finished medical school before arriving here, and my mother came here to study physical therapy at NYU. It was not an absence of education or money that led them to make the trip to the United States. They were already educated and they were not poor. What led them to come here was the prospect of more and better education, and a belief that being comfortable in America is very different from being comfortable in India, often described as the most dysfunctional democracy on Earth.

This fits in with what Foner is saying. The post-1965 set of immigrants to New York are economically diverse. Indians, who are currently the wealthiest ethnicity in the US, are a far cry from both the immigration waves of the past and of the experience of many other immigrant groups today. While my parents were only in New York briefly before moving to Austin and eventually Atlanta, I think that Foner’s statement about New York can be applied to the whole country. Immigrants are a socioeconomically different sort now, so much so that the word “immigrant” can no longer imply poverty.

The second thought I had was about the ethnic diversity of the two waves she discusses. It is clear that immigration to New York is extremely varied, but what will that immigration look like in the future? Given the immigration quotas set by the INS for each country, it seems unlikely that a single ethnic group will come to dominate new immigration to New York in the coming years. The idea of immigration as a series of waves, an explosive succession of Germans and Irish and Jews and Italians, may be dead. Also, the world is becoming more prosperous. Expanding middle classes in Africa and China and South America mean that in the future, many people may not have a reason to flee.