According to Susan Slyomovics, one of the main goals of New York City’s Muslim World Day Parade is to educate the people of New York City about the religion of Islam and stage a “temporary creation of Muslim space on a New York City avenue.”  In a sense, the Muslim World Day parade is supposed to be a walking exhibit from the Museum of Natural History, showing average New Yorkers what a day in life of a Muslim can be, with all its rich traditions and cultural heritage.  This parade is intended to be a celebration of America’s acceptance of Islam as well as Islam’s acceptance of America.  Yet in the last line of her article, after twenty pages of lauding Islam’s attempts to make the religion accessible to the masses, Slyomovics brazenly writes “What Muslims in America articulate ritually about Islam in public should be heard as friendly, accommodating, and familiar, it should not overheard, and at best it should still be heard only among their own.”  Not only is this the total opposite of the parade’s goal, it allows for a terrible marginalization.  Saying that allahu akbar should not be recited because of its bloody associations could be extended to almost every injustice done in the name of God for the past 3,000 years.

The takbir is one of the essential prayers of Islam and is meant to be a celebration of God’s strength and power over this world – the true definition of allahu akbar is “God is great,” no more, no less.  And yet organizers worry that this chant will offend American sensibilities because of its historical use as the justifying cry of suicide bombers and terrorists alike, including the much publicized and remembered Iran-Contra affair.  Slyomovics not only agrees with this sentiment, but she praises their judgment and their ability “intuitively recognize that crowds of Muslims may spell danger to the American public.”   One of the goals of the parade is to redefine the traditional practices in the frame of safety, happiness and religious expression – instead of eliminating the takbir to appease the intolerant, the organizers of the Muslim World Day Parade should focus on ways to give allahu akbar a positive connotation.  Slyomovics, it seems, believes that America is still incapable of digesting diversity that does not come pre-chewed and wrapped in a Hallmark card.

Susan Slyomovics’ article, while focusing on the Muslim New York City population, sheds light as well on other population groups within the city, and the interactions among them. In this class, we have discussed definitions and experiences of diversity and multiculturalism, and this essay interestingly, while assuming to analyze the Muslim’s Parade, broadens to analyze various other groups, in relation to their participation in or influence of, that group’s parade. To begin with, I noted that the parade is called a “World Day” Parade, connoting a unification across countries and cultures. The defining factor of the Parade is in promoting the Muslim community, not discriminating across ethnicity. American, African, Asian, Hispanic, and Middle Eastern Muslims gathered, in various forms of Muslim attire, on floats representing various places of Muslim significance, carrying signs primarily in English, fully representing the spectrum of Muslim influence. That members of other religions, such as Christian and Jewish, and of other affiliations entirely, such as the Irish and African American bands, participated in the parade’s procession, and that New Yorkers in general participated as viewers gave the parade a sense of multicultural respect. That the parade marched along the streets of Manhattan, further reinforced that sense, as Manhattan is the epicenter of America’s melting pot. Slymovics’ detailed history of New York City parades informs of the influences the various ethnic parades have had on each other, and as well informs of the significances of the various ethnic groups, as reflected in the placement of their parades on the city grid. The grid itself seems to be a forum for the city’s diversity to flourish, pocketing communities here and there, connected and separated by the grid-lines. That “New York City is a city of parades,” as one of the parade organizers was quoted as saying, reflects the city’s nature as a house for diverse populations. Thus,  Slyomovics’ article does more than just expose readers to the Muslim population’s parade, for, more than representing merely the Muslim population in America, their parade represented the Muslim World population, and the extent of the interweaving of different populations of the world, as can only be fully displayed in America, the home of both universality and diversity.

Susan Slyomovic’s article “New York City’s Muslim World Day Parade”, explores the power of a parade in defining a cultural group’s identity, solidarity and power. The display of the parade held in it a great deal of meaning, which each aspect of this procession veiling a hidden significance. The very constituency of organizers and participants, which unites different Muslim groups in the public eye and in support of the religion, superseding the schisms within different Islamic sects, is a quintessential part of the shaping the parade. People who disagree come together in order to demonstrate the thriving of the Muslim people as an ethnic community of New York. Even the mere location of the march is representative of the power of a group and how long its roots have been sowed in the history of modern-day New York City. This perception from the view of the organizers of how each little piece that comprises the parade has a unique importance is enlightening. The aims of this demonstration of unity and pride magnified successfully shows what a passerby on September 22^nd may not see when the parade passes by. Even the method of marching is extremely telling of the culture represented in this parade. The very way in which partakers chose to march, “sideways, backwards or in circles [as opposed to in]… solemn military formation”, examines the reorientation of the start of the parade, form which Muslims involved turn themselves toward Mecca to start with prayer, before turning back toward the direction of the Lexington Avenue path that the parade follows.

Unlike other ethnic groups who choose this mode of unification to demonstrate their presence and pride to the rest of New York City, costumes and decorations are replaced instead with Islamic ethnic dress and messages broadcast on signs in the form of Koranic passages as well as the Kaaba of Mecca as a float. An aspect of this ceremony (of sorts) that links it to other parades is that it embraces the subtype of being not only Muslim, but also American, with those involved embracing their Muslim identity in dress, food and prayer, but using the parade as an exchange and gathering of the American people who associate with their Muslim identity. The parade through New York City is, in itself, a uniquely American show of the strength of a community that plays a role in the cities vast ethnic foreground, yet the use of prayer and common chants in praise of Allah, religious garb and music that reflects the values of the Quran of the Islamic religion allow for another hyphenated group, Muslim-Americans, to join together and show the city their unity and their slice of New York. The question that Slymovic’s argument presents is as to why this parade is the only one in recognition of a specific religion. It seems that for every other religious group there is either a national pride (i.e. Israel) or other unifying parade by which groups find a way to represent them. Is the Muslim population, whose numbers are undoubtedly misrepresented in things like the NYC census, incapable of uniting on any front other than religion? Is the city bridging gaps that cannot otherwise be created by utilizing the need for a united perception in the public eye and using religion as the building blocks?

To understand the importance of the Muslim World Day parade in New York City Susan Slyomovics reminds us of the purposes a parade serves. A parade has the ability to educate both the observers and the participants on what it means to be them. The observers in the Muslim World day parade are provided a scene painted by most, if not all, of their senses. Through sights, sounds, taste, touch and smell people have a chance to peek at what it means to be a Muslim. The parade begins with prayer, then the march and after ends with a food fair. It’s very powerful in how it delivers its message about the religion and its followers. The usage of signs shows spectators the marchers’ message. Whether it is to teach the public about the different ethnicities that make up the Muslim community, enlighten the public on the religion, like how it’s inclusive of many Judeo-Christian beliefs and honors many of their prophets, or explain the community’s frustrations, it serves as a place for understanding. What’s more is that it teaches the Muslim community of what represents them. Their floats of the Koran, the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, the Kaaba and the Al-Masjid an-Nabawi show everyone the important symbols that represent the religion. What was great about this parade in the 1990s is that it incorporated non-Muslim bands like the Irish and New Orleans-style bands.

More than anything though, during the 1990s, this parade served as a source where the existing communities met the Muslim community. People were brought together. During the food fair people learned more about each other. They ate with one another and when one can eat with another they usually share more than just their background, they share themselves. This can be much more important than seeing some prominent figure talk for Muslims. Rather than see them only as a group, non-Muslims start to see them as individuals and this leads to newfound bonds.

While I read the article I was reminded of the bitter present. Almost a decade has gone by since 9/11 and still a lot of misdirected emotions and ignorance about Muslims festers within many groups in America. I looked up the parade on Google and what I got was a lot forums and blogs diluted by discrimination of the parade bread by ignorance. It says a lot when almost all the sites from the first to the next page of searches shows prejudice. Many parade participants are calling for understanding. One such message that hit me hard was written on a board carried by a girl stating, “I’m a Muslim, Please Don’t Hate Me.” Its message, though short, is powerful. This parade was made to foster understanding of the Muslim-American community and clear misconceptions created by events like the Iranian Hostage crisis. Hopefully it will continue to spread the message of its people and enlighten those who discriminate against them.

Susan Slyomovics offers us a glimpse into the creation and execution of the Muslim Day Parade – a yearly parade in dedication to Islam and its components – and also shows us the common New Yorker impression of this parade and its significance. However, Slyomovics argues that the average New Yorkers’ impression of the parade and the organizers’ beliefs about the parade are two entirely different concepts. She believes that most New Yorkers are inclined to view the parade as a demonstration of pride and reaffirm the presence of Islam within New York. Slyomovics sees the parades as a political tool, as a way of the Muslim community to establish themselves as an ethnic group rather than a religious one.

As with many of these readings, one issue that I noticed was once again the theme of political correctness. In the Muslim Day Parade, there are certain aspects of the parade that need to be curtailed so as not to be seen as “a threat to American society,” such as certain proclamations and calls. Therefore, I will ask this question – if they cannot express themselves fully, and if they need to hide certain parts of their religious expression – is that truly religious freedom? This brings us back to the topic of cultural pluralism. If the more palatable aspects of culture are the only ones that can be shown, is it really culture, or is it just for a market?

I am inclined to agree with Slyomovics in her theory that this parade is less of a statement on pride and more of a political usage. I believe it is there to unite and rally the extremely diverse Muslim community. Like the term “Hispanic,” they are not bound together by skin color, but by another overall factor – their religion, and that causes confusion on what a “Muslim” actually is. I believe this parade is a means to figure out that fundamental question.

It is interesting to note that parades serve as more than just a display of ethnic or religious pride. In truth, parades also reflect certain social and political issues relevant to ethnic subgroups in America. For example, Slyomovics points out that parades can sometimes be a demonstration of Americanness (which resides in dual identification), but they can also serve as political acts of confrontation or challenges to accepted social norms. It seems as though the Muslim Day Parade is unique in that it embodies both of these intents. While it certainly resembles your archetypal New York City ethnic parade by including an Irish marching band, among other “American” subtleties (depending on how you define the term), the Muslim Day Parade also seems to stray from conformity by temporarily rejecting the Manhattan street grid during prayers, emphasizing the role of signs, and chanting the takbir. Slyomovics asserts, however, that despite its supposed boldness, the Muslim Day Parade is actually subject to certain unspoken restrictions. As Slyomovics concludes, “What Muslims in America articulate ritually about Islam in public should be heard as friendly, accommodating, and familiar, it should not be overheard, and at best, it should still be heard only among their own.” How much more so would these regulations be apparent today, post 9/11, when American wariness towards Muslims has grown substantially?

This leads me to another question I have in response to something Naomi brought up in her post. After addressing the idea that parade routes indicate the power of an ethnic group, she writes, “it makes sense that the more powerful the group is, the more likely they are able to get permission to block off a major street.” This indeed makes sense, but who, or rather what, decides how powerful an ethnic group is? Is more “power” given to Irish, Jews, and Italians because they have been around longer? Is it because these ethnicities are more familiar to American culture? Does one necessarily lead to the other? And finally, what exactly does this mean for the future of Muslims in America?

In the Muslim World Day article, the author talks about the difference between South Asian Muslims and African American Muslims.

When she talks about African American – does she actually mean all “african americans,” or is she referring to Black Muslims?  The reason I state this is because as a person who doesn’t know the differences between Egyptian Muslim practice, and Pakistani Muslim practice, I don’t know why any “white” person would “reject the presence of African American Muslim places of worship” (though I don’t understand what makes Black Muslims not “okay” in the “white” mind).

Just an interesting discrepancy I found in the article.

Marina B. Nebro

What stood out to me the most in this reading selection was how Slyomovics defined a “parade”. In the past, I have never really thought of a parade as anything more than a show or performance of sorts, and my mind automatically goes to more mainstream parades such as the Macy’s Thanksgiving Day Parade or the St. Patrick’s Day Parade. In this article, however, Slyomovics uses the Muslim World Day Parade as a means to describe the ethnic and cultural significance a parade can have.

A parade ultimately is still a spectacle of sorts due to its music, floats, etc. However, a parade can also hold a much more powerful importace in terms of the cultural landscape of New York. The Muslim World Day Parade was first formed as a means of educating the New York population about the Muslim community and as a way to assert religious pride. Not many other religious groups have their own parade such as this, and the Muslim community is one of the few that even few themselves almost as an ethnic group. They come together this one day a year and hold their procession down the streets of Manhattan holding signs with religious text, singing, wearing traditional dress, praying, etc. They even face the traditional “east” direction (which contradicts Manhattan’s axes according to the grid) in order to stay true to their heritage.

When first reading this, I was surprised that there even was a Muslim World Day Parade. I had never heard of one, and I never realized how much religious and cultural significance a parade can have. What is very interesting is not just the parade itself, but why the parade is being held. Muslims view it as a day where they can spend time with New Yorkers as well as project themselves on the New York ethnic map. Muslims are not really recognized in any other way in New York, and when statistics of ethnic groups are tabulated they generally have a broad “South Asian category”. Once again, the importance of establishing yourself and making a place for your ethnicity in New York is shown through this parade, just like how the Italians of East Harlem wished to do. Establishment in the New York cultural landscape is important for the preservation and validation of such ideals. Seeing now the Muslim World Day Parade in this light, New Yorkers can gain a sense of what the true Muslim community is like and their place in New York. Thus, it is more than just a parade; it is a cultural diffusion and ethnic exchange of ideas.

-Cassandra Price

The point that came across very strongly for me in reading the fifth chapter of From Ellis Island to JFK was the clearly defined power of pure rhetoric.  The majority of stereotypes and preconceived notions about immigrants, from the Jews and the Italians to the wave of “Hispanics” and West Indians of today, are not based in fact.  Starting with the ridiculous physiognomy of the early 20^th century, much of the contemporary rhetoric has been just that – trumped up so-called science about the inferiority of a race based on head size.  I found it shocking that is was acceptable to oppose immigration use terminology and ideology that was blatantly racist, such as the fear that intermarriage between Jews or Italians and “Nordic American stock” would dilute the blood of the colonialists.  The limitations that were eventually imposed upon this type of rhetoric were reluctant at best, and it was only after the civil rights movement, Foner writes, that it became taboo for public officials to either use these words themselves or condone the use by others.

Even now, Foner writes, there is only a thin veil of civility between the public discourse and the racist tendencies that are behind it.  The recognition that most New Yorkers make no effort to distinguish between “blacks” and that there are varying degrees of “whiteness” was really dreadful.  I think that it is very telling that the racist air in present-day New York City is so strongly felt that even the immigrants themselves feel the need to disassociate themselves with their “darker” counterparts.

From the clear distinctions drawn along color lines, it makes it easier for me to see how in a case such as the Crown Heights Riot of 1991 could be thrown directly into the spotlight of racial discord and preferential treatment, given the clear bias of New York City – in both the public and private spheres – towards whites in general.

Nancy Foner explains that prejudice is a constant, especially against new immigrants. It is interesting to see, however, that a lot of the reason why these people develop these prejudices is not only because of the obvious social customs that others do not understand, but because these new immigrants isolate themselves from their neighbors.

As we’ve read in the Madonna of 115^th Street and Race and Religion Among the Chosen People of Crown Heights, new Jewish and Italian immigrants often isolated themselves into their respective communities for the comfort and familiarity they brought. Perhaps it was for this reason that “original New Yorkers” felt racial prejudice against them.

According to Race and Religion Among the Chosen People of Crown Heights, the non-Jewish neighbors in Crown Heights felt a discontent with their Jewish neighbors because they were excluded from their culture. The prejudice of the Jewish people stemmed from this discontent with their isolation.

Racism seems to be a very superficial form of prejudice. The new immigrants that come to America stick together for comfort and exclude people of other cultures because they do not understand them. Out of this misunderstanding, the people of other cultures develop a dislike for them.

Skin color is the first distinguishable quality in a person, and therefore the easiest to discriminate. Once a culture develops a dislike of another culture, they generalize their dislike to skin color, because it’s the easiest way to distinguish them from the rest.  The more distinguishable a skin color, the easier it is to discriminate that person/culture, which could explain why prejudice of the African American population has lasted so long, and why prejudice of the Italians and Jews lasted for a limited time in history.

The ridiculous part of racial discrimination is that it’s the cultural perception that determines whether or not someone is “white.” Although it is unlikely that this will happen anytime soon, perhaps one day even African Americans will be considered “white” and another race will be discriminated in their place.

At the end of the day, it’s not about race; it’s about having a negative trait attributed to your culture, and being visibly distinguishable enough from the rest of the population to be easily discriminated against.

-Christina Torossian