The initial disconnect between grass roots organization and the peoples of which they are representing in Chinatown seemed to me like a typical gap across America. Grass roots organizations were led by educated second generation Chinese who attended elite institutions. They were all about ideals as they combated racism and were inspired by activist groups like the Black Panthers. They celebrated socialist ideals and encouraged residents of Chinatown to take control of their own destiny via welfare programs that were meant to educate the masses and inspire social revolution. Their failure to gain success, however, is attributed to the fact that they could not gain a solid following—they were unable to relate to workers’ daily grievances and a language/culture barrier existed between the first and second generation Chinese.
A quote that most perfectly describes this relationship is that they were “fighting for the people and not with the people.” Often in America, and across the globe, those fighting for rights (specifically liberal and socialist in nature) are usually those in good socioeconomic standing themselves and those who haven’t experienced the plights they are protesting. There is this feeling of moral obligation amongst elites at liberal institution, and while they may aim to help ‘their people’ they are in fact helping an entirely different race. They might be all Chinese but there is no way a Yale second generation 20 year old can relate to a middle aged first generation immigrant with little education who is living in poverty. Race alone cannot act as a bridge.
Similarly race has proven to not be a substantial enough reason to gain political support, at least in the case of Chinatown. Kwong mentions how ethnic pride, while a flashy campaign point, is not enough to win over the people; he states that you cannot run on an ethnic platform. Many immigrants in Chinatown were permanent residents—not citizens—and those who could vote did not frequent the polls. Also, in the case of Virgina Kee, not all candidates have their race’s best interest in mind. And that is understandable, since I mentioned before with grass root organizations, race itself cannot act as a social or economic marker of solidarity.
Of these chapters, the ninth one stood out the most to me because it resonated with an event I went to earlier in the semester, the Democratic mayoral debate. I found the lack of Asian-American support for candidates of the same race interesting, especially when we see John Liu running for NYC mayor and people still clamoring over how some people voted for Obama based on his race (or did not vote for him for that reason). But like the grass roots organizations showed, race is no indicator for a candidate’s interests or their understanding of a community’s grievances. I often hear people now say they’re going to vote for Liu simply because they want the first Asian mayor, even though his views might completely contradict their interests. In Kwong’s case, while a candidate may in fact come from Chinatown and understand the residents’ struggles, this is not a norm to be assumed, and this is something often forgotten during contemporary flashy politics.