Revealed here is the astonishing amount of senseless acts of violence and hostility— inane because they are not only based on false assumptions but disprove each community’s claim that they are not “anti-Semitic” or “racist.”  The Lubavitchers cannot simply say it is not a race thing when Black Jews, some of whom moved to Crown Heights so that they can feel both racially and religiously included in their community, were often ostracized when met with White Lubavitchers’ discomfort. Lubavitchers who reached out to their fellow Jewish brethren on street corners claimed that they did not use clothing, hair, jewelry, skin color, or other physical features to assume one’s religion. Instead they claimed to rely on the presence of a person’s “neshoma” (Jewish soul), which radiates outwards. I find it hard to believe this was their sole method of detection when so man Black Jews, Rastafarians, and more secular White Jews were neglected (most likely because of wardrobe, hairstyle, and skin color).

While many were identified by their “Jewish” features, I’d bet just as many actual Jews were neglected or Gentiles were mislabeled. The assertion made early in the chapter that Jewish features are conspicuous in whatever country is the product of flawed thinking. Although Judaism is an ethnic group in some regards, as a religion it can be applied to people of different races and nationalities and thus different immutable physical appearances.

A Hasidic man had punched an African-American Orthodox Jew, but profusely apologized after discovering her religious affiliation stating, “I didn’t know she was Jewish.” How then, could the Lubavitch community claim that they did not see race? The girl was an honor student with Yeshiva University and Orthodox, however he still did not see her as Jewish. Regardless of whether her race was an intentional factor, I find the entire mentality troubling. He was only repentant after finding out her religion; did he see nothing wrong with his actions if she weren’t Jewish? Insularity would not be a problem if such an insider-outsider mentality didn’t contribute to such hostile attitudes (not just to a specific different race/group, but to everybody outside of your own group). As one Black man told his children “you have to look even more like a Jew” because it was a common assumption in the community that if you were Black you weren’t Jewish.

This, of course, goes both ways and Anthony Graziosi was killed because he ‘looked’ Jewish. Many Blacks also thought Jews were distinguishable by visual attributes, which (like the Hasidic man who attacked the African-American Orthodox Jew) led to faulty conclusions. Similarly, Yankel Rosenbaum was associated with the Lubavitch community because of his similar dress. Similarly, Black Gentiles often had a harder time identifying Jewish women because their requirement to wear modest skirts was less rigidly communal (in the sense that women of all races/religions can wear the same skirt) and less religious-specific since long skirts could be a fashion statement. The irony is that women’s adherence to skirts and tznius (modesty) were extremely scrutinized within the Jewish community.

The conclusion addresses multiculturalism and Goldschmidt asks about the space available for it, and about which forms of diversity we tend to celebrate and which we wish to deny. I’d rather ask whether or not multiculturalism could ever lead to an ideal and culturally sensitive society, when it is human nature to be defensive. While I don’t in any way justify the assumptions and actions made by Crown Heights’ residents, I think that whenever a group of people does something collectively (e.g. wear the same clothing) they are opening themselves up for assumptions, suspicions, and hostility. Similarly, those inside the group allow their own defensive natures to fuel these things (i.e. many Jewish residents of Crown Heights attributing anti-Semitism to ambiguous behavior and the belief that “non-Jews inherently hate Jews”). Diversity is inevitable and tolerance is expected, but ultimate integration seems to be realistically impossible.

When reading the chapter that discusses the distinctive clothing style of the Hassidim in Crown Heights, I couldn’t help but be reminded of an interview quoted in the previous chapter when a Hassidic woman said, “…if we lived in Great Neck, we’d be the same way!” Although this woman was referring to the ways in which Hassidim relate to others and this chapter veers more in the direction of how others view Hassidim form the outside, the fundamental idea remains the same. Hassidic Jews, Lubavitch in particular, will stand out no matter where they are. There was once a time when the ethnic ratio of Crown Heights displayed far more Jewish whites than Gentile blacks. Even then, the Hassidim stood apart from their white, and even Jewish non-Hassidic neighbors.

The concepts of misunderstandings with regards to identity keep coming up in every feature of the two communities in Crown Heights. In this chapter, Goldshmidt delves into visual identification of Lubavitch Hassidic Jews, and how these images are understood both by other Jews and by their Black neighbors. While the Blacks in Crown Heights view the mobs of Jewish men all in black coats as intimidating and perhaps even arrogant, the idea of being visually distinctive is extremely meaningful to the Hassidic community. He discusses the Lubavitch men who go out into the world asking people “Are you Jewish?” as a means of including all Jews, both affiliated and secular, in keeping the laws of the Torah.

The idea of clothing as an identity tag is typically considered unfair as we live in the age of “let your inner self shine through” and cliché’s of the like. This is bullshit. How one chooses to dress says a great deal about him or her. As Goldschmidt shows with the Lubavitch Hassidim, their clothing is a key identifying feature. I did not find, however, that Goldschmidt evaluated why exactly all Hassidim comply with this strict uniform. He did bring down a few historical reasons, but I want surprised that he didn’t expand more upon the Hassidic idea of segregation as a crucial part of maintaining their way of life. When Hassidic Jews dress in a certain uniform, it is not merely because their Rebbe told them to, or because that is what their Polish ancestors wore. Rather, I think it goes along with the idea that these people want to stand out, like Jewish pride. Goldshmidt mentions that Jews view themselves as “a light unto the nations”. When Hassidic Jews dress differently, they make themselves known to each other, and to the rest of the world. There is a heightened sense of community in this distinctive method of identification, that parallels the Hassidic value of mainting their insular, yet shining form of a community.

It is safe to say that when the word “Jewish” is brought up, a great deal of people immediately conjure up images of “brusquely” walking men in long, black coats and fedoras. In the eyes of many, what it means to be Jewish is frequently condensed into this single image. In Chapter 4, Goldschmidt admits that there are numerous telltale sartorial signs that lead to one’s judgment of who is Jewish and who isn’t, and he suggests that in a sea of Gentiles, it’s often the case that the Jewish stand out. However, at the same time, he asserts that there are several variations on norms of dress within the Jewish people themselves and uses the Luvabitchers as a testament to his claim as they tend to dress less elaborately and distinctively than is typical of most Hasidim. Furthermore, he goes on to say that an increasing number of Jewish people have—to some extent—assimilated to mainstream norms of dress to a point where it’s very difficult to tell them apart based solely on appearance. Goldschmidt says that while it is unremarkably easy to identify some Jews based due to distinctive apparel and certain physical features, it is significantly easier to overlook those who are Jewish and mistake them for people who are not. In particular, Goldschmidt brings up two groups of people within the Jewish community who are frequently taken as non-Jews: Jewish women and Black Jews.

Jewish women, who typically wear skirts of modest length, full sleeved blouses, wigs, and cover their legs in public, can easily be taken for any other women in New York who prefer to dress a bit more on the conservative side. Goldschmidt brings up a very good point since a many people may not realize just how difficult it can actually be to distinguish Jews from non-Jews on the basis of physical appearance.  It is often even easier, however, to overlook a Black Jew since a great deal of people do not correlate skin of color to Jewishness. Especially in a neighborhood like Crown Heights where residents are either “Jewish” or either “black,” the concept of an overlap between the two elements is often too complicated for the public to harbor. In addition, the clothing of many Black orthodox Jews in Crown Heights does not fit in with Hasidic norms of clothing. For example, Goldschmidt states that a greater number of Black Jews appear to be more assimilated to mainstream norms of dress while some other Black Jews don very distinctive articles of clothing such as bright, colorful yarmulkes that can confer an entirely new identity upon them when misinterpreted by the public. Therefore, Goldschmidt poses a very important and thought-provoking question: how can one really distinguish a Jew from a non-Jew when “telltale sartorial signs” and “unique and instinctive facial and physical features” aren’t present?

After reading Goldschmidt’s various arguments, it becomes quite clear that there is no way to be absolutely sure of the identity of a passerby. What I found particularly interesting, however, was the way that several Jewish acquaintances of Goldschmidt maintained that they have a much easier time telling apart Jews form non-Jews for the reason that the “neshoma” of an individual just shines out to them. In fact, according to some, “the soul of a Jewish is fundamentally different from a Gentile” and there is a spiritual radiance that makes every Jew, regardless of sex and appearance, stand out from non-Jews. This line of thought brings us back once again to the mystical world of Kabbalistic thought, which seems to shape virtually every aspect of Hasidism. In every chapter, I find this theme of “esoteric Kabbalistic thought” surfacing and I am intrigued by it every time because it is most effective in helping to reveal the nature and beliefs of the Hasidic people.

Among the multitude of practices and beliefs Goldschmidt considers, that hinder dialogue between the Jews and blacks of Crown Heights, I was particularly struck by his discussions of respect for diversity, and the anonymity of urban life.

Throughout the chapter, Goldschmidt highlights the inability of Hasidic Jews to partake in certain attempts at diminishing the social divide between them and their black neighbors, due to their religious laws. Although the Lubavitchers of Crown Heights did not have discriminatory racial intentions behind their resistance – as one Hasidic woman stated: “if we lived in Great Neck, we’d be the same way!” – Goldschmidt attests, Jewish “fear of religious pollution is inexorably tied to racial segregation.” In our society, diversification is defined as understanding others through static objects such as food, that are ideologically designated to be evident markers of  “cultural” groups, and are also tied to societal views on race. To the Lubavitchers and others in the Hasidic community of Crown Heights, however, bridging the gap between the two communities could never be as simple as trying a black neighbor’s cuisine – for one, the food would have to be kosher (and that in itself constitutes complex guidelines for the preparation and consumption of the dish), but more importantly, this refers back to Jewish identity as a religious identity, and the overall ambiguity of “Jewish-ness,” as individual Jews have differing distinctions on keeping kosher.

As an individual who, prior to reading this ethnography, had little knowledge of the complexities of Hasidic Judaism, I understand why many in the black community and those outside of Crown Heights felt Lubavitch insularity was indicative of racial disdain. I was thus struck by a comment made by the Hasidic woman I cited above. In explaining her discontent with the integration programs, she contested “there really is no respect for diversity, there’s always a lot of pressure on the Jews to come across, and be open, and share.” Here, this Hasidic woman defined “respect for diversity,” not by efforts to learn about other “cultures” or by trying ideologically-defined “ethnic” food, but by acknowledgement and acceptance of differences – in essence, she saw no issue with the lack of conversation between the two communities, and sought respect for her religious choice of insularity. This characterization of respect for diversity had never occurred to me, because my definition is similar to that of most individuals in society.

In considering this, I recognize the difficulty Goldschmidt highlights in fostering relationships between the Jews and blacks of Crown Heights. Not only are there obvious differences in physical features, language, practices etc., but there are also complex and conflicting differences in each community’s definition of themselves, definition of each other, and definition of the ways to create unity – complexities that many “multicultural” and “cultural exchange” programs, though designed with good intentions, ultimately overlook. Moreover, Goldschmidt notes that the insularity attributed to Lubavitchers is not unique to their community, arguing social distance is prevalent throughout New York City. This statement also struck me, as I took the time to consider my own relationships with my neighbors. Although my family and I are somewhat close to the family next door and I often wave to neighbors and pause for small talk, it struck me, that like the Lubavitchers and the the blacks residing side-by-side, we, as New Yorkers, rarely get to know our neighbors on a personal level, and are absolutely at peace with this separation between private and public. These social situations are common and remain unnoticed, but even though the two scenarios are very similar, the relationships – or lack thereof – between black and Jewish neighbors in Crown Heights are highlighted and seen as a “problem” requiring a remedy. Ultimately, if those in Crown Heights desire to overcome the social divide between the Jews and blacks of Crown Heights, individuals would need to avoid oversimplification of the differences between the communities and work to revise, as Goldschmidt suggests, the “broader trends in American life” that serve to encourage insularity and anonymity in urban life.