Ethnography, at its most basic definition, is the study of individuals and the individual cultures that these individuals are represented by. I had not been exposed to this research method prior to beginning this course. As the semester progressed, the foreignness of ethnographic research dissipated and I found myself becoming fascinated by the concept of conducting research in the perspective of an insider as opposed to that of the outsider. This change in perspective was most noticeable during the final project of this course, a project in which my group and I had to conduct field work in the community of Brighton Beach in Brooklyn, New York.
This community was very unfamiliar to me and, as a result, my prior knowledge on this community had been sparse. Knowledge of the community’s largely immigrant Russian-speaking makeup and ocean-side topography were amongst the limited information I held prior to conducting research. I held the belief that the Russian language had been used as a means of alleviating some stressors associated with immigrating to the United States. I believed that the language formed a cohesive bond between its users and prevented outsiders, those unable to speak Russian, from associating with the community and disrupting the symbiosis’ held between Russian speakers. Language may have been seen as a protective barrier and a barrier that transposed the customs of Russian speaking countries into one collective in Brighton Beach. This belief was confirmed through the source “Fewer Jews Makes Brighton Beach Less ‘Little Odessa,’ More ‘Small Soviet Union’” by Garth Johnston. In this article, and the video “The Changing Face of Brighton Beach” carried within, Johnston describes post-1970s immigration to the Brighton Beach community to be predominantly based from the countries of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan. Of these three geographically distinct locations, the language of Russian is found to be the sole commonality. Therefore, the community of Little Odessa can now be described as one which does not emphasize national identity, but rather identity in the Russian language in contrast to other ethnic communities. Furthermore, I believed that having a tourist attraction, the physical Brighton Beach, within the community would disrupt the communal fiber of site; moreover, beachgoers would temporarily visit the community and, as a result, residents would be hesitant to form new connections for the fear that there would be no relatedness between new community introductions and themselves. I carried the belief that visitors of the physical Brighton Beach would limit their interaction with the community to the shoreline and the boardwalk. Visitors would derive their satisfaction from this community solely from the beach and would carry out their brief stays without visiting the local restaurants and shops located on Brighton Beach Avenue. I would later learn that this assumption was incorrect given that the majority of beach goers had been seen entering the avenue directly after their stay on the shoreline to purchase foods and memorabilia that would be representative of their stays.
Our group had decided to situate ourselves within a very specific region of Brighton Beach so as to focus our efforts on select few locations rather than dilute focus by visiting all corners of Brighton Beach. We limited ourselves to the Brighton Beach Avenue, Brighton 5th through 7th streets, Coney Island Avenue, and the Brighton Beach Boardwalk. During our first trip to Little Odessa, I experienced an inability to inject myself as both the subject and the researcher during field work. I found almost no connectedness between the residents and myself. I was unable to shake the feeling of being an outsider during the initial portion of this trip. However, these feelings of being an outsider and being isolated from others were not foreign to me. These feelings are often experienced by the majority of individuals who live in urban landscapes such as New York. Large populations tend to stunt the creation of relationships. Seldom do passersby form relationships if there was no prior link between the two individuals. I carried this familiarity with being a stranger throughout the course of this project. Unlike others of my group, I did not feel any tension between members of the Brighton Beach community and myself. Communication was always met with mutual respect and kindness, a facet of everyday life in New York City.
As I entered the day of my second field visit, I learned that my prior belief that tourism in Brighton Beach had stunted the creation of connections between members and nonmembers of the community and to be incorrect. On the contrary, every resident that I had come in contact with had seen the beach as a means of easing their integration into American life. Nonmembers and members of the community would often engage in conversation in which both parties would relay some knowledge of their backgrounds to one another. In doing so, the information carried within these two backgrounds are seen as adding to the collective background of New York City. For instance, one resident recounts speaking to a native of Bensonhurst. Both of these individuals had been recent immigrants to the United States in the year 2000 and had shared similar experiences in immigrating to Brooklyn. The resident described this exchange as taking away the feeling of foreignness that he experienced while living in Brighton Beach. There is a commonality in peoples due to the city’s large diversity. I came to notice a juxtaposition of English and Russian writing throughout Brighton Beach Avenue. “Brighton Beach” by Michael Friedman and Tochilovsky Alexander attributes this mixing of language to be an intermediary between Russian identity and American identity. By having Cyrillic script directly on top of English titles, in store names and signs, newly immigrated individuals are able to maintain a sense of comfortable Russian identity all the while adopting the language of English. The constant view of English lettering affirms the mastering of the English language as being integral to success in the United States for new immigrants. In a way, the semi-adoption of American culture is seen as a necessity. This mixing of cultures is further seen in the hybridization of restaurant menus and resident diets in which typically Russian foods meet typically American foods. This mixing is most noticeable in buffets where Russian “Olivie”, a salad composed of predominantly meet, meets raw sausage.
This hybridization is inclusive of all regardless of background.
Perhaps the most endearing portion of these field works was witnessing residents’ commendation for college education. I felt that this was most evident during our conversation with a pirashki merchant who originated from the Russian city of Stavropol. Following our interview, the woman said that she was proud of each and every member of our group for pursuing a higher-level education. Talks of an undergraduate college education are often met with ubiquity in the present day. Seldom does an individual show praise for such a feat, even less so is that praise given to strangers. I find cause for this praise in Roni Berger’s article “Adolescent Immigrants in Search of Identity: Clingers, Eradicators, Vacillators and Integrators”. In immigrating to a new environment, a rapid shift in cultural identity is not possible. The process is progressive and allows certain ideals, such as praise in pursuing a college education, that are prevalent in the culture in which the individual had emigrated from, to remain as part of the individual’s beliefs. When entering another culture, an individual’s focus is placed on finding work, supporting his or her family, and adopting a new language. The adoption of the typical American mindset, in which undergraduate level education is deemed to be of necessity and not worthy of praise, is set aside to tend to more psychologically intensive processes such as those mentioned prior.
I believe that my individual identity had not negatively impacted my ability to conduct sound research throughout the duration of this project. I am accepting of all and attempt to treat those I come in contact with in a way that I would want to be interacted with. I enjoy listening to the stories of others, so I welcomed the concept of interviewing people within Brighton Beach. Correspondingly, I carry the belief that an individual’s story is as important as the stories of the culture that he or she is currently in. I find that the former is seldom spoken of in media in the present day. Never would we have been exposed to the story of an eighty-four-year-old individual who finds comfort in performing within the streets of Brighton Beach Avenue. Never would we have been exposed to a woman who escaped anti-Semitism in Stavropol by taking up refuge as a merchant in Brighton Beach Avenue. There is beauty in the individual, a beauty that is exclusive to those of the collective. Ethnographic research, specifically this final project, was a means of exposing the beauty held within the people of Brighton Beach.
Works Cited:
- Berger, Roni. “Adolescent Immigrants In Search Of Identity: Clingers, Eradicators, Vacillators And Integrators.” Child & Adolescent Social Work Journal 14.4 (1997): 263- 275. Academic Search Complete. Web. 19 Apr. 2016.
- Friedman, Michael and Tochilovsky Alexander. “Brighton Beach.” Gastronomica 12.4 (2012): 15-19. Web. 17 April 2016.
- Johnston, Garth. “Fewer Jews Makes Brighton Beach Less ‘Little Odessa,’ More ‘Small Soviet Union'” Gothamist. N.p., 07 July 2012. Web. 19 Apr. 2016
