Category Archives: Class #9

New Metropolis

Bloom spoke about Robert Moses and the housing project of New York in Chapter seven. However, within the context of what he was writing certain things must be highlighted which can show his true value. These things include his credibility and the positive and negative consequence the importance of his name means and how altogether this leads to an ‘inflated’ Robert Moses.

The first thing which is importnat to note in Bloom’s writing is how important Robert Moses actually is and how this played a motif throughout the chapter. One of the thing that Bloom mentions is how important Robert Moses was to the city of New York, which is obvious considering that he is the cause for New york being the way it is. But, what I found really cool is that he overemphasized it by citing an example where Mayor LaGuardia credited Robert Moses over the housing authority regarding the 1942 housing project. The fact that Bloom speaks about him so highly forces us to picture him as the poster boy for the New York housing authority which comes with both good and negative aspects.

Regarding the negative aspect, well that comes with anytime someone is the poster boy of any organization. If something goes wrong within the organization the poster boy has the potential to be blamed for it because they ‘represent the organization’ and they then have to defend the organization. For example when Robert Moses had to defend the claim that his housing projects were deemed racist because it was “bowing to racial prejudices” and Moses had to defend the project. Take another example, if one soldier of the US accidentally killed an innocent person for no reason, Obama might make a statement apologizing on behalf of the military. In this analogy Obama (Robert Moses) is trying to defend the honor of the US military (housing project).

On the other hand the positive that thing that happens with being the poster boy as can be seen with the chapter is how when the ‘organization’ does something right you are looked upon with more respect, or just better overall. For example, the chapter mentioned how Robert Moses and the authority of housing started grouping together lower class housing along with the middle class housing and the chapter says this is good planning. As can be indicated fromt he article though is that  it says Robert Moses and the authority which again shows him as the poster boy. Furthermore,, since he is the poster boy and in this case something good is being done by the housing authority Robert Moses gets some credit.

The chapter was written in my opinion as an ode to Robert Moses and the New ork housing authority. But, I feel it is important to note how throughout the chapter Moses was continuously highlighted in a way that made him look and sound more important. Again in no way am I implying he isn’t great, rather I just feel that because the chapter mentioned him too much they overused Moses and his ideologies and he’s kind of inflated, but just because he’s overrated that doesn’t mean he’s not great.

Designs for a New Metropolis

In the past, New York City did not have many regulations for housing, which led to many slums filling the city. In the 1940s, Robert Moses began plans to clear most of these slums without using too much money. In order to clear out the slums, the NYCHA had started with vacant land sites. After building on these vacant land sites of their choice, they began their renovation of slums. However, these slum clearances did not seem too thought out in the initial stages.

Moses had strongly opposed vacant land projects, because his main goal was slum clearance. However, I think this was a critical step for slum clearance to occur. After the war, there was housing shortage. So, while clearing the slums, where would the tenants living there go? By beginning with vacant land projects, they are providing these tenants places to consider moving to, which would save the NYCHA some money and time. This is because while planning out slum clearance, the main problem of the program was moving the tenants of slums. By working on vacant land sites, the NYCHA would partially solve the problem of having to move tenants in slums before beginning their slum clearance. A possible step the organization could have taken was creating temporary contracts with tenants to allow them to stay in buildings from vacant land projects until the slum clearance is completed. Thus, I think it would have been better to focus or spend more time on vacant land projects before beginning slum clearance.

In the plan for slum clearance, the main focus was destruction of the slums and creation of better housing. However, when Moses and authority took action, they began pairing opposites: private housing and public housing, and low income neighborhoods and middle income neighborhoods. These pairs created a balance in the program, but I believe this balance would affect the people that build the neighborhood. It is in human nature for people to flock together with their own kind. This can be seen in low income families, in which they would form ‘ghettos’ in a neighborhood. Thus, if a low income neighborhood surrounds a middle income neighborhood, would there not be tension between the two neighborhoods? Herman Stichman mentions that these ‘ghettos’ prevent different income levels from meeting in neighborhood activities and fostering class feeling (134). Although the article does not mention an neighborhood tensions, I think the NYCHA should have considered the social aspect in slum clearance.

The success of New York housing after all the creations of new buildings appealed to many other cities. For example, St. Louis created high rise housing because Mayor Joseph Darst was impressed by New York’s skyscrapers and NYCHA’s towers (150). However, their development did not turn out the same way as New York, due to their lack of consideration of cost in the initial stages. When the city realized how costly the construction would be, there had to be major changes in the plans. Many of these changes involved making the rooms smaller and removing amenities. Along with other changes, the final creation of the public housing building was not any more different than slum housing (151). If these cities had thoroughly planned and spent more time working on these public housing, I believe they would have been successful.

The problems in past housing in any city was lack of regulation, which led to slum housing. To counter slum housing in New York, Robert Moses ‘created’ the plan of slum clearance. The main problem with the plan was moving tenants around for slum clearance to happen, which could have been partially solved with vacant land projects. Even though NYCHA began with vacant land projects, they only built a small amount of buildings for these projects before moving on to slum clearance. Regardless, there were certain aspects of slum clearance I thought would bring failure to the program, but in the end it became extremely successful.

Designs for New Metropolis

This article points out an issue that all city planners have faced. My family comes from Bombay, and in Bombay there are literally slums with people living in shacks. The Indian government is striving to remove all the slums; however there is always that issue of what kind of housing should be built along with what to do with the millions of people that are to be displaced. Obviously there are both pro and cons to the situation, and I believe that Bloom clearly outlines them in his piece.

At first thought the idea that government will build subsidized housing sounds a great use of taxpayer money, however the notion that in order for this to happen there will be a destruction of existing homes is what makes this entire thing questionable. The most surprising for me was that how poorly built these new apartments were. For instance Robert Moses and the NYCHA both implemented homes that didn’t even have toilet seats or closet doors in their public housing projects. First off, these people were shifted out of their homes, and even if they wished to live in public housing instead, I am sure they would want to live in minimal humane conditions. If the government is to build something for its people then the living space should be accommodating. For instance in India, many of these poor people who move into government housing end up selling their place and move out to the suburbs where they can create a whole new life for themselves.

The original goal of trying to make these “slums” into an “attractive part of the city” is reasonable, however the execution of it is where something went wrong. When walking through the Bronx and the Lower East Side and looking at what we call today the “projects,” I realized that these places don’t make the city more attractive, but rather it serves as a monotonous public space. Bloom describes how the city planners of the future tried to fix this issue by changing little things such as the color of the bricks, nevertheless it clearly did not have the intended effect. Also the “decentralization” of these slums so rapidly changed the dynamic and demographics of these areas, because these places were wiped out clean. The demographics were mixed with the lower and middle class living together, causing higher crime rates and security issues.

Another interesting point that Bloom points out is that perhaps Robert Moses’ racism was the cause of such mundane and to a point cruel housing system. The NYCHA was also to blame for this, but going along with the past reading, part of the reason could be his disdain for the lower class. If that were to stand true, then in my eyes that is a corrupt government system. It’s also important to note that the NYCHA sponsored the building of homes that served a lower density of people, but were of higher quality. To put lower class people to a disadvantage when they’re already struggling is unethical on Robert Moses part.

Last but not least, I want to explore the question of what to do in the future. Like I noted before, although there may be a diminishing population of slums in America, this issue is still of high relevance to the rest of the world. What are the most efficient methods to please both the city planners as well as those residing in the “slums”? Is there a cost efficient method to this issue? Overall, this piece written by Bloom brought light to issues that I never even knew existed in our public housing system. The mistakes that were made in the past have unfortunately carried forward and have created displeasing public areas.

 

 

 

Designs for a New Metropolis response

The reading by Bloom gives me a different perspective about Robert Moses. In Robert Caro’s the Power Broker, Moses was portrayed as a more negative person. However, Chapter 7 Designs for a New Metropolis actually surprises me by giving me a different view about Robert Moses and his slum clearance project.

During the postwar years, cities were mainly focused on slum clearance project, I can certain understand that. Those people lived in poverty were clustered in the certain areas of the cities; and the society often view these areas as destructive and dangerous. There was segregation among different economic classes, where poor people usually live in a neighborhood with same social economic classes. I agree with Bloom that “central decay destroys the vital parts, and …nothing is more destructive than decentralization.” The idea of Decentralization was that many people were moving out of cities and to live in suburbs. The decline of city population would definitely impact city’s development. In order to create a successful city I think that some of the slum clearance projects were necessary.

However, there are a lot of criticisms regarding slum clearance project. Robert Moses was greatly criticized for not making efforts to relocate those poor people properly. The project destroyed many families’ home, and these families ended up moving to another slum area. Robert Moses was blamed for not taking care of these poor, and forcing them to move into another slum areas. “There is a natural desire to link all that is distasteful from the postwar period to Robert Moses.” I think that it was unfair for Robert Moses that despite all his efforts of trying to create a better city, people still perceive him as a more negative person.

Bloom gives an example of certain housings had lack of toilet bowl covers and closet doors. What even surprised me was that people blamed Robert Moses for that. As Bloom explains, the lack of closet door was Alfred Rheinstein’s innovation; Moses shouldn’t be the one to blamed. Also Bloom believes that “Moses should only be blamed for extending NYCHA’s influence over more territory.” NYCHA started these ideas, and Moses adopted the growing preferences for slum clearance project. After Moses became powerful, he then started implementing these ideas to his urban renewal projects.

The arguments in Bloom’s reading make me rethinking about our previous reading regarding Robert Moses. In the end of introduction of the Power Broker, Robert Caro said “Moses himself, who feels his works will make him immortal, believes he will be justified by history”. It makes me wonder that if people today started to appreciate his works more, and maybe he will be justified by history.

Response to Planning a Social Disaster

The Chicago Housing Authority, or CHA did a very poor job in planning the high-rise projects that they build and many, including Hunt, consider the projects to be a “social disaster.” While several factors could contribute to the failure of the housing projects, Hunt makes a good case about how the youth to adult ratio and the tallness of the buildings to be the main causes of the crime and vandalism of these buildings.

Hunt mentioned some of Jane Jacobs’ ideas such as how residents in communities can band together to keep a watch on the neighborhood. The will band together and use “collective efficacy” to police themselves, maintaining social order and minimizing crime (146). While in many neighborhoods this is the case, this did not occur in the CHA’s housing projects. I found Hunt’s discussion of the youth to adult ratios to be very interesting and an important factor in social order and the ability for a neighborhood to actually function as a community to police itself.

The CHA’s housing projects with family public housing had some of the highest youth to adult ratios. It was interesting that this occurred not because of organic reasons, such as parents just wanting to have many children, but because the CHA built housing specifically to accommodate families with many children. I was surprised by the lack of foresight governing the CHA. The CHA did not look at the consequences of housing such large amounts of children in one housing area. The CHA built “Children’s Cities,” excluding childless families and serving families with substantial amounts of children (149). The CHA did not rely on forethought and was trying to match the growing demand for large apartments. As demand continued to increase, the CHA built even more housing for larger families while “no analyses … wrestled with the ramifications of this choice” (151). I found it surprising that no research was done either to look at similar housing projects that have failed such as the one in St. Louis. St. Louis had to demolish its housing project after building housing for large families and having high youth to adult ratios that caused social disorder.

The CHA went on building housing for large families without considering the consequences, perhaps because during the time there was a “limited understanding of how adults informally police social space” (151). Adults would often police the neighborhoods themselves in communities and parents informed neighboring parents of their child’s wrongdoings. This dynamic could no longer occur as the youth-adult ratio grew. Neighbors could no longer keep track of all the children in a neighborhood and there was no sense of community developed in a tall building (153). Thus the result was “social disorder on a staggering scale” (155). I was very surprised by the extreme damage enacted by children in the housing that Hunt detailed, such as how the laundry machines were broken and residents had to wash clothing in their apartments, wooden doors had to be replaced with steel, and the stairwells were even used for toilet purposes (156).

The large amount of children and the smaller amount of adults to control them contributed to many of the examples of crime, vandalism, and social disaster in the CHA housing, but there were also several other contributing factors. The project housing areas were hated by the tenants and often the people living there were “embittered,” lashing out “in response to their victimization” (158). There are many complex reasons for the social disaster but I agree with Hunt that the vandalism is a “crime of opportunity” which occurred more often because of the high youth-adult ratios and the lack of adult supervision. I wonder why the CHA proceeded with so little thought as to the future of the housing and why they did not for see such a disaster?

Tower of Dreams Response

In the article, “Tower of Dreams: One Ended in Nightmare,” Michael Kimmelmen attempts two compare and contrast 2 different public housing projects. The first is Penn South, a high rise housing cooperative development built in the Chelsea area of New York City in 1962. It was built to house the low to moderate-income workers who lived in the area. The second was Pruitt-Igoe, the St. Louis public housing project, which was destroyed in 1972. In the article, Kimmelman attempts to compare the 2 projects and demonstrate why although similar, one was highly successful while the other was a great failure.

The first thing that came as a surprise to me was the fact that two, almost identical projects, or as Kimmelman describes them, “Aesthetic cousins,” could have such opposite fates. Penn South would go on to be a successful and thriving housing complex with a sense of community between its residents, while Pruitt-Igoe became a “breeding grounds” for violence and vandalism. Although it may have started off as a thriving community and “paradise”, as is evident in the testimony of Valerie Sills, it eventually turned into an area filled with crime and poverty. It really goes to show you that every project has its risks and that no matter how much research you put into a project or how hard you plan, there is no absolute guarantee of success.

Throughout his article, Kimmelman provides the testimonies of former residents of the Pruitt-Igoe complex, and one which truly stood out to me belonged to Ruby Russell, an early resident of the housing project. She stated that when she first moved into the complex, it was a beautiful place and even went so far as to compare it to a “big hotel resort.” She moved to the complex from the slums and never believed that she would live in such an area. However, as she mentions, the beauty disappeared in a flash and as she stated, “one day we woke up and it was all gone.” It went from being a dream come true to an abandoned, distressed area, filled with drug dealers, murderers, crime and violence.

As I continued reading, I noticed that Kimmelman points out a few suggestions as to why the Pruitt-Igoe complex failed, while Penn South became highly successful. The first that caught my attention was the location of the complexes, and in real estate location is everything. While Penn South was located in an affluent part of New York City, filled with shops and a diverse and chic mix of people, Pruitt-Igoe was located in an “isolated and impoverished” area in St. Louis. Another reason why Pruitt-Igoe went on to become a failure was the fact that it was poorly maintained and handled. Opponents of public housing blocked federal money that would have been set aside to improve its conditions and an inadequate amount of money was set aside to take care of the grounds. This would eventually lead to the crime and poverty that would arise in the area surrounding the complex.

Public Housing is very important, especially in dense cities such as New York, to ensure that all residents have a place that they can call “home.” However, one of the most important factors that contributes to the success of a housing project is perceived safety and I believe that this is the main reason why Pruitt-Igoe collapsed and deteriorated. Due to poor maintenance, violence and crime arose in the area and the safety conditions were inadequate. When people buy homes the first question that they ask is “how is the neighborhood?” because safety is a very important factor when choosing an area to live in, and that was Pruitt-Igoe’s main fault and the reason as to why it failed miserably. On the other hand, due to the fact that Penn South was located in a dense and safe neighborhood, people weren’t afraid to live there and the quality of life was much greater. After reading this article, I would like to look at other housing complexes to see whether or not they share the characteristics inherent in these complexes.

Response to Postwar New York A New Metropolis

This week reading brings about a wide array of views concerning the urban planning authority, Robert Moses, and their cooperating yet sometime rivaling relationship.

The author points out contemporary public criticisms about Moses, which we all know are numerous, yet I was surprised to read that Moses only could have gotten his way because his view and the view of the government coincided at that time (here we should neglect the fact that Moses did have enormous political influence). Moses’ dismal taste on housing design, surprisingly, was in compliant with the NYCHA design standard. It turns out that such a “standard,” demonstrated by “the lack of toilet bowl covers and closet doors” with special credit to Alfred Rheinstein’s “innovation” (128), was legally accepted back in the day because the NYCHA adopted the nature of a housing factory that churned out standardized, mass-produced products. Not only so, Moses and the NYCHA shared the same preference for “genuine slum clearance.”

It was interesting to see that sometime people who share the same vision often dispute upon the mean to its fruition, as in the case of the rivalry between Moses and the NYCHA during the post-war era. Moses wanted his masterpieces to be built upon slum clearance sites whereas the NYCHA rather constructed upon wastelands, or vacant land sites. Chairman Butler, before losing his seat due to his fervent opposition to Moses, claimed that project on vacant land sites would eliminate the time-consuming process of relocating residents in slums, all the while driving upward spending on public transportation. I felt sorry for the guy, although not too much, since his allegiance with Moses on the issue of overall slum clearance would later backfire as a backstabbing move to Moses which later drove Moses to remove Butler of the high seat in the NYCHA.

Besides the often-overlooked effects that slum clearance brought about i.e. racial integration as in the case of black and Pueto Rican slums residents, after being discharged from their Manhattan haven, were integrated in government housing projects in Bronx neighborhood. Yet in the proverbial list of pros and cons, the cons often outweigh the pros. Slum clearance practically destroyed the neighborhood, created public outrage over the clearance itself and over the loss of so many “brownstones.” And in most cases, public housing in most cities created a “second ghetto” worse than the first.

After running wild for a while, both Moses and the NYCHA were finally forced by the state government to integrate different income classes through slum clearance projects, for it is doubtful that Moses sincerely thought, without political pressure, that slum clearance areas will logically adjoin public housing areas” (133). Criticism from the state commissioner of housing at the time Herman Stichman substantially contributed the Moses and NYCHA’s cooperation. He said that the concentration of subsidized housing projects led to the development of ghettos that impeded meetings of different classes in the neighborhood and thus prevented empathic class feeling. The result of Title I redevelopment was the ultimate culmination of government’s effort to “positivize” slum clearance. It did not only celebrate Moses’ redevelopment scheme but also became the key of linking middle and high class houses with subsidized housing.

Design for a New Metropolis- Response

In this reading I was shocked to find that Moses was not as large as an influence on the slum clearings and low standard of living in certain poor areas of New York City. The chapter mentions how NYCHA was the backbone and Moses just extended/implemented the ideas. I knew these low-cost housing were crowded and cramped. However, it was unknown to me that these housings lacked toilet bowl covers and closet doors. Is it really that much cheaper to not have those parts in the house?

This reading also mentions slum clearances versus vacant land projects. The clearance policy seems to be attacked. I do agree that it demolished many buildings that were still in good condition, and that some of those buildings are aesthetically better than the new ones that were built. However, thinking about it on the financial and economic side, it might be easier to rebuild rather than “renovate.” But indeed, I do believe the slum clearance in general was terrible because many people lost their homes and were forced to find elsewhere to live, or to be cramped up in different neighborhoods.

In the section by the critics, I strongly agree with Lewis Mumford that the housing seemed to be built for one class of people. In other words, the way the city seems to be laid out is to benefit one class of people more than others. In New York City, I see that the outer edges and parts of way Upper Manhattan are full of housing that are for people on the lower side of the social class. And in the center of the city, where it is the most dense, the buildings are for people on the higher side of the social class. Yes the city does offer a lot of housing, but again, as I mentioned in previous blog posts, majority of the housing are not affordable. They are all new and fancy and pleasant, but the cost is not cheap at all. Overall, I believe that the city was planned for high middle class to upper class people, and everyone else was just shoved to the sides.

Another problem stated was about the design of housing (specifically public housing). Moses has criticized that the buildings were all the same and monotonous. His response was that it although cost was a concern, there must be other ways to make the buildings a bit more pleasant. I did notice that all the projects look the same: brown, small windows, small grass area blocked by low black gates/fences, etc. It does look mundane, and to New Yorkers, seeing a building like that, we all automatically think “project.” This takes away from the aesthetics of the city structure. Architecture is really important. It is the foundation and the roots of the city. I agree with Moses that there must be ways to make these buildings better, without adding too much expenses on it.

Furthermore, the problem with projects is that there is a lack of stores near the housing. Bloom says that this takes away the “liveliness and social cohesiveness” of the area. I concur with Bloom’s statement because my dorm used to be near Baruch Houses and my current dorm is right near the projects as well, and both do not have stores nearby. This also relates to how in the beginning of the semester, we read an article about how stores bring safety to the neighborhood. In addition, this reminds me of the Barclay’s Center how Atlantic Avenue is full of stores and lights, and is really safe, while Flatbush Avenue lacks stores and is dark, and appears to be dangerous. I do understand that stores do not really want to be in the area, and that their business might not be as successful there rather than elsewhere. And that the stores that were built just seemed to not do so well that many were demolished. I wonder why that is the case, and if there is any way to improve the situation, and make the stores function better/well.

Class 9 – “Tower of Dreams” Response

Many have debated the origins and significance of housing—both public and private—in New York City. In general, housing is essential to daily life. Public housing has also become more prevalent in the city over the past few decades. Thus, it is more important to figure out what works and what does not, rather than debate the theory. Michael Kimmelman touched upon this issue in his article Towers of Dreams: One Ended in Nightmare by comparing two very similar housing projects and pointing out why one failed while the other succeeded.

Our past few classes have heavily centered around housing: Federal housing policies and the New Deal, a Museum exhibit about modern housing in New York City, Robert Moses and urban renewal. We have learned of public housing’s origins, its trials and tribulations, as well as the significance it plays today. After establishing this foundation of knowledge, I enjoyed reading Kimmelman’s article because provided an example of ‘good’ housing versus ‘bad’ housing.

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/5b/Penn_South_from_ESB.jpg

Penn South Housing Cooperative

Kimmelman’s article compares two “aesthetic cousins,” Pruitt-Igoe (built in 1954) of St. Louis, Missouri and the Penn South (built in 1962) development in New York City’s Chelsea neighborhood. It was surprising to read that while both projects were almost identical, the Pruitt-Igoe development had seemingly gone so wrong. It became infamous for poverty, crime and segregation due to inadequate funds, deteriorating conditions and the 1949 Housing act, respectively. Tenants slowly abandoned the complex and it continued to deteriorate, falling prey to drug dealers and murderers until its demolition in the 1970s.

http://farm3.static.flickr.com/2441/5816024404_e78c69171e_o.jpg

Pruitt-Igoe Complex

A major contrast to this, however, is the continued success of Penn South. Tax relief and stable income from maintenance payments and retail units provide money for improvements. Communal spaces, green areas, elevators and openness create a sense of community and “hominess.” This, I think, is the most important factor driving Penn South’s success: Tenants who feel safe in and connected to their place of living are more likely to take better care of it.

When reading the personal quotes Kimmelman placed in his article, I noticed a sense of attachment. Although Pruitt-Igoe so quickly and drastically deteriorated, original residents such as Sylvester Brown, Jacquelyn Williams, and Valerie Sills all had fond memories of their home. But since architecture itself was not at fault, what can we do in the future to prevent another Pruitt-Igoe? Perhaps it would be wise to reassess the purpose these housing units serve. Is it more beneficial to incorporate both low-income and market-rate units, should they be geared towards senior citizens as many NORCs suggest, or is there a better function these buildings can serve? There is no doubt that housing needs—especially in New York City—are shifting. We now have to learn how to best move forward when addressing these needs.

Bloom – “Designs for a New Metropolis” || Response

In “Designs for a New Metropolis”, Bloom emphasized that slum clearance was a top priority. The goal was to clear the slums out and replace them with high-density public housing buildings. This seemed like a pretty good idea that would benefit many people who needed subsidized housing. Costs of these projects however, not only included the monetary amount, it also came at the expense of owners of “nice brownstones” (132). Regardless of whether or not these homes were recently renovated, everything in the slums had to be cleared out. I disagree with this decision that the New York City Housing Authority made. If these quality brownstones were kept, they would add an aesthetic appeal to the neighborhoods.

The structure of these public housing units were not pleasing to the eyes. In fact, they all looked the same from neighborhood to neighborhood – bland and basic tower blocks that did not stand out. Buildings were usually several stories high with standard windows and fire escapes. There were no balconies. Nonetheless, I approve of what this decision the NYCHA made. These public houses proved to be just enough and acceptable. They were not appealing, but they were better than the living conditions of slums. They also proved to be efficient because there were many units within each project. The NYCHA also kept up with maintenance and security, which played a big role in the success of New York City’s public housing.

Another decision I applaud the NYCHA for is the mixing of middle income people with low income people. This prevented “low-income ghettos” and fostered class feeling (134). These public housing units prove that neighborhoods can be diverse and provide dwellings for people of different backgrounds and income levels. The decision shows that not only a specific group of people are targeted. The NYCHA just wants to provide affordable housing for New Yorkers as a whole.

To my surprise, public housing in the United States has largely been failure. In many cities such as St. Louis, Chicago, and Newark, large-scale public housing projects were demolished. An infamous one was Pruitt-Igoe in St. Louis. At first, its high-density housing seemed to work. Residents were happy to live in spacious and clean homes. But due to budget cuts, the lack of funding led to poor maintenance. Eventually, Pruitt-Igoe had become an unpleasant place to live with crime rates rising. I believe that if public housing projects in other cities such as St. Louis had kept up with maintenance and security costs, they would not have failed. I also believe that a mixed-income public housing plays a major role in success.

Overall, I am pleased at the NYCHA and what it has accomplished. Based on my personal observations around New York City, I see that public housing works. When I was performing door-to-door canvassing for a local politician (Assemblywoman Grace Meng) back in high school, I had to enter some of these public houses. I recall that the Bland Houses and Latimer Gardens in Flushing were well maintained. There was security. I also observed that residents were of different backgrounds and income levels. Hence, if other cities were to imitate New York City’s successful public housing, they should incorporate these aspects.