Third places are a hallmark of immigrant communities within the United States, but frequenting third places as often as Oldenburg describes can be adverse to an immigrant’s ability to embrace the varied customs of American society. For instance, Oldenburg underscores that a third place necessitates the presence of “regulars” who can ensure that “on any given visit some of the gang will be there,” A third place can serve as a homely refuge, while simultaneously being an illusory bubble isolated from what the true demographics of the United States constitute. Particularly in immigrant-concentrated neighborhoods, individuals can use third places as a means to avoid contact with foreign groups and to adhere to the social norms and culture of their birthplace. At worst, clinging onto one’s language in a third place can be used as a means to deter contact with individuals who do not share the same language and customs. Oldenburg describes how a third place also requires individuals who are both loquacious and welcoming of newcomers. Similarly, there are bakeries along Hillside Avenue bellowing with the resounding laughter and thunderous conversation of Bengali-American immigrants. Nonetheless, while newcoming immigrants are readily accepted to such groups, individuals who cannot converse in the same language are met with awkward stares and casual indifference.
Recently, a number of my own relatives have immigrated from Bangladesh to the United States. I have realized that third places such as the Bengali-concentrated restaurants running across Hillside Avenue have only instilled in some of my own relatives a deeper sense of longing for their native countries. Nonetheless, the deeply-segregated communities in New York provide mediocre replicas of the native communities of immigrants. It has also made it more difficult for some of them to communicate with other ethnic groups. Men and women who particularly originate from conservative communities may encounter difficulty when interacting with the opposite sex, and I have noticed that such individuals continue to avoid contact within third place restaurants and cafes under the watchful eyes of fellow community members. Instead of serving as refuges for dynamic conversation, third places can serve as sources of division for individuals plunging into noxious gossip restricted to members of their own local community. Engaging oneself in no particular community, immigrants who shelter themselves in third places can carry an enduring sense of foreignness.
In some cases, third places can further ingrain prejudices of women and racial communities which may be commonly held in native countries. Within the safe enclave of a third place with others who share the same customs and beliefs, individuals may not have their ideas as frequently challenged by others. I have heard my own relatives blatantly using derogatory language against other communities, which would otherwise be considered off limits in American society. While I agree that third places uphold the vitality of communities as vibrant facilities detached from the subdued decorum and norms of city life, third places are not always the ideal sanctuaries Oldenburg portrays them to be.
