From 1994-2010, changes in immigration, policing, and finance, along with new vulnerability, changed the character of New York. A huge influx of immigrants from new areas ballooned the foreign born group of the population to 37.8%. They represented their first political majority in the 2009. Mayor Giuliani’s conservative policies created conflict in liberal New York. The 9/11 attacks and the 2008 financial crisis changed local and world perceptions of the city, and left the city’s future in question.
After the 1965 repeal of immigration restrictions, new immigrants from the Caribbean islands and east Asia broadened New York’s culture, but clashed with older groups, but blended with each other. Russian Jews rescued Briton beach, after the soviet breakup of 1989. Their transition was helped by their middle class status, and they integrated fairly easily into the larger Russian population.
Asian groups, on the other hand, took, and were forced into, a more isolationist approach. Traditionally, the Chinese population was very confined, and they were barred from all but laundries, restaurants, and tourism. After 1965, the population of Chinatown soured. They rescued the garment industry, though conditions were often unsafe. The mostly southern Cantonese remained trapped in Chinatown. Richer Chinese urbanites avoided their southern countrymen, but grew to overwhelm them by force of numbers. With the rich controlling most of Manhattan, lower class Asians decamped to the outer boroughs. Thus, Chinese American voting is widespread, but divided between rich and poor. Class conflict also came from the “model minority myth”. Some, such as the affluent and educated Koreans, were unable to rise because of their poor English, so they tried to force their children to do so. Middle class Koreans pooled resources, and broke into retail. It is not clear that Asian groups will unite, politically or ethnically.
Puerto Ricans, like the Italians, tended to move back and fourth between New York and their home island. Though politically active, they are last in education and finance among the city’s ethnic groups. After their first huge boom in the 50s, their numbers stabilized, and they are now being overtaken by a large number of Dominicans, but their recent debt crisis has driven their numbers up again.
Dominican populations continue to grow in Upper Manhattan and Queens. Though easily able to fid work, they had no access to unions, and, as is often the case, the language barrier keep many isolated, and disorganized. None the less, Dominican women tend to stay in the city, as they face less sexual discrimination there then at home.
Both groups are joining with smaller Latin American groups to form a larger Latino identity.
West Indian groups are also growing and unifying, as seen by the size and diversity of the popular West Indian American Day Parade. Many conflict with African Americans, though this is changing. Early on, West Indians stood apart from the group they were sorted into by white census takers. They found more solidarity during the civil rights movement and the police brutality of the 1980s and 1990s. They now make up the majority of the black population. , but though they identify with African Americans, they vote apart.
Though not unitized, immigrant voting has sent more minorities into politics, and stigma is decreasing, though not as fast as some would like.
Mayor Giuliani redefined New York’s social contract by gutting its longstanding social aid structure. The so called “Compassion Industry” of social welfare and Medicaid was reduced, and Giuliani attempted to shift services and amenities into private hands. He got 600,000 off welfare by making them ineligible for it. he did this to reduce fraud, though figures showed that most who applied for aid were eligible for it, and a rise in numbers of homeless New Yorkers suggested that some were not able to haul themselves up, despite being forced to live without aid. Giuliani also attempted to force able bodied citizens to work for public aid. Many dropped out of CUNY, because they had relied on aid for their tuitions. He made tax cuts to benefit business, and the rich. Giuliani also changed the school system. in an attempt to raise standards, he reduced school budgets, and instituted merit based support of schools, teachers, and students. He abolished CUNY’s longstanding open admissions policy. He dabbled in restrictions to self expression, threatening to cut support for a museum in an attempt to have an “offensive” painting taken down. He also attempted to restrict the traditional tolerance of protest, closing city hall park to restrict demonstrations. His reputation was helped by his response to the 9/11 attacks, but he was not reelected. Giuliani has been compared to LaGuardia, as both broke rules to input their agendas. The variance of these agendas was considerable, however, with LaGuardia supporting the poor and the minorities, and Giuliani backing the rich.
