In this chapter we delve deeper into the religious communities of New York City, focusing particularly on religious institutions that are identified as Chinese. The study that was mentioned consists of eighty-four religious institutions, of which fifty-nine were identified as exclusively Chinese. In addition, fourteen of these congregations specifically serve the Fuzhounese in Chinatown, which is roughly 23% of the total Chinese congregations. It was mentioned that the religious communities reflect the diversity of the Chinese diaspora, which is indicative of the number of early Chinese immigrants from mainland China that were Fuzhounese.
The other immigrant groups brought different linguistic traditions, cultural backgrounds, economic resources, and religious experiences. Moreover these differences, especially language, were used with separate religious services within the same institution as a determined effort to “stick to one over the others.” Earlier in the book as we explored cultural boundaries, we learned of the distinct types of Chinese, and of the barriers that exist among these groups. One barrier, for instance, is dialect, which is often the deciding factor that distinguishes other Chinese from one another. In terms of the reading, religious communities sometimes experienced a blending of tradition, as religious services would be given in different combinations of languages. This is one such instance worth mentioning, in which cultural barriers are overcome as a result of religion.
As we progress through the chapter the idea of religious life being representative of the Chinese surfaces again. A short section of the chapter is devoted to details on a survey studying the number of Chinese who associated with a particular religion. The results were laughable and not representative of the actual demographic. This result was to be expected, as Chinese religious life and practice in New York was much broader than previously defined notions. Individual, family, and business-oriented religious expressions were not easily identifiable in a U.S. context. In Chinese customs there exists a kitchen god known as Zao Jun. Offerings of food and incense are made to Zao Jun on the third day of the eighth lunar month. Rituals such as these are also representative of Chinese religious customs; however, many Chinese would still not identify themselves as Protestants, Buddhists, or Daoists.
The congregations that are considered here serve to emphasize the Chinese immigrant’s response to a harsher foreign context. These religious communities are created for both survival and emotional purposes. Although many Chinese may not necessarily identify themselves with a religious group, these customs, traditions, and home-practiced beliefs, are in a sense , part of cultural and religious identity.
