Xenophobia and Street Food Vendors

Absara Hassan

Response 1: Sean Basinski, “Hot Dogs, Hipsters, and Xenophobia: Immigrant Street Food Vendors in New York”

There’s almost never a time when we don’t come across one: a shiny metal cart reflecting the view of the city, emitting an aroma that mixes with the urban atmosphere. Food carts can be found at any corner, and while we often stop by one in between classes, or just on our way somewhere, we rarely consider the role food vendors have played in the history of New York, specifically our immigration history. In his article, “Hot Dogs, Hipsters, and Xenophobia: Immigrant Street Food Vendors in New York,” Sean Basinski introduces the making of this “phenomenon” of street food vending by starting his discussion with the earliest signs of it, including the “Apple Marys” and “hot corn girls” of the nineteenth century. He goes on to street food vending in modern society and elaborates on a subject matter that seemed to have never changed: anti-immigrant bias.

Being an immigrant is undoubtedly tough, lacking the experience and knowledge necessary to prosper in such a bustling city. Basinski focuses specifically on such struggles of immigrant food vendors, who have to deal with anti-immigrant bias. According to Basinski, opposition to street food vendors “reflects deep-seated racism and xenophobia” (Basinski, 398) Much of the animosities immigrant vendors have to endure are hidden by dull arguments such as “to prevent pedestrian congestion” and failure to “’conspicuously display’ their vending licenses” (403). Basinski further highlights the xenophobic aspect of opposition to street vendors by providing images of two different markets in two separate locations. Although one is run by Asian immigrants, and the other by non-immigrant white farmers, both vendors had crates on the sidewalk, which is a violation of the Administrative Code. Yet, the first one was in a location that had a whooping 949 tickets given out to venders, while the other location had only a handful written out.

Basinski’s article describes the role of immigrant status in shaping the lives of street food vendors. The Street Vendor Project works to provide them with legal and business service as well as awareness of the responsibilities and regulations that must be met. However, even with this kind of assistance, vendors are not able to avoid xenophobia and anti-immigrant bias, much of which comes from law enforcement, whose actions “often had nativist roots” (398). The article portrays this very well, giving facts and examples of signs of opposition to foreign vendors compared to native vendors. Immigrant street food vendors started their businesses in hopes of making a living, possibly without the intention of carrying on their traditions, but nevertheless having a big impact on the lives of other immigrants relying on these vendors.

Questions:

  1. How would the diversity of food in New York City today have been affected had they implemented more limitations on street food vendors in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries?
  2. Are signs of anti-immigrant bias against street food vendors still seen today, specifically with law enforcement?

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