Washington Heights: Economy

Washington Height's economy is centered upon transnationalism. Most businesses in the area are run by immigrants catering to shoppers of their own nationality, or are services for travel, long-distance telephone calling, or mail delivery that help both the local Washington Heights economy and the economies of their home countries.

Above is a Hispanic business advertizing a number of items like packages, envelopes, and tax help services which would aid Washington Heights residents in bridging the gap between their two cultures..

Upon observing the Washington Heights area, I was hard-pressed to find signs that were not written in some form of Spanish. According to Alejandro Portes,"the proliferation of stores selling imported Dominican foodstuffs, music, and newsprints, and the rapid growth of local agencies called 'financieras,' all emphasize the blurred lines between businesses in both Washington Heights and the immigrant's area of origin." He also observes that businesses like video stores, laundromats, car detailing services, fast food home delivery businesses, adn computer software stores are new to Santa Domingo, but have been developing in increasing numbers in response to the increasing hispanic migration to the United States (Portes 280).

Again, here is another example of a small, Spanish-run business banking off the need to bridge the cultural communication gap for new immigrants by offering them phone services, envelopes, and packages.

He notes that there are transnational connections in the field of construction where construction firms in the Dominican Republic depend on returning immigrants from Washington Heights. Therefore, many construction businesses will advertise in Washington Height's newspapers for businesses in foreign countries (Portes 283). "Dominicans are primarily economic immigrants who come to escape difficult conditions at home while maintaining close ties with their families and communities of origin. Over time, Dominican immigration has become incresingly diversified--encompassing professionals as well as rural laborers" (Portes 284).

In her article, "Globalization, Immigration, and Changing Social Relations in U. S. Cities," Glenda Laws reflects on globalization's impact on emerging immigrant communities like Washington Heights. She observes that transnationalism is often thought of as an alternative to assimilation because when new immigrants like the growing Dominican population arrive in a new area like Washington Heights, and are unable to fit into the corporate New York City economy because of language barriers, and other factors like a poor education in the American school system, or prejudice, they see more opportunity in entering into the transnational businesses and industries in the area run by people from their home country (Laws 97). The irony is that the primary reason why Dominican immigrants move to the United States is in search of economic oppurtunity, however they still long to maintain close ties with their community members and families, and end up creating the same sorts of businesses here in the United States (Portes 283).

The Washington Heights that I encountered was an economy all on its own. There were no major chain stores, just individual vendor stands with workers trying to earn money out in the cold. Many small shops were run by members of the local immigrant population themselves. While to me this seemed to have a positive implication because members of the Washington Heights population were embracing and replicating the conditions of their home country, many researchers like Glenda Laws would argue that the Hispanic population in Washington Height's disconnect from the mainstream, corporate economy is a result of globalization, which ultimately has a negative effect upon these groups. She notes that, "globalization has invoked not only new economic geographies but also new social geographies," and believes that this often leads to the increasing polarization between ethnic groups more accepted and incorporated into our coporate economy, and those removed from it (Laws 95).

Nancy Foner similarly highlights the economic racial divides which exist between many immigrant populations such as the Dominicans in Washington Heights, and the non-immigrant population. She writes that in 1997, "the Dominican population had the highest poverty rate, 46 percent compared to 24 percent for the entire city... Similarly, per capita household income among Dominicans was substantially lower than the New York City average... The unemployment rate for Dominicans was close to double the rate for the overall New York City Population" (Foner 255).

She describes these economic differences as existing in the Washington Heights population for three major reasons; the declining fields in which many Dominicans are employed, the low education rates, and the fact that most Dominican families are run by a female. For example, she notes that many Dominicans are employed in jobs related to "manufacturing and wholesale/retail trades," fields in which competition is on the rise and wages as well as the security of health care and retirement insurance are on the decline. Furthermore, she observes that more than half the incoming Dominican population have not finished highschool, a factor that is tied directly to a decline in income. A final economic handicap which she believes is leading to the increasing polarization between immigrant and non-immigrant groups in Washington Heights is the fact that the majority of Washington Height's Dominican families are female run, leading to a greater need for government aid (Foner 255).

Ultimately, the forces of transnationalism, globalization, and racial-societal barriers, all contribute to the shaping of Washington Height's unique, and underground economy. Washington Heights is an example of an ethnic community removed from the norms of New York City's business and culture. While this cultural disconnect is often perceived as having a damaging effect on newly arriving immigrant populations, I observed that the sense of community instilled by localized businesses, and a unified Hispanic culture was a source of pride for many residents of the Washington Height's population who would blast traditional Spanish music and reggaeton from their storefronts, and greet other neighbors welcomingly in an array of Spanish dialects.

This section on Washington Heights and Rego Park developed by Irina Mullokandova, Karina Fatova, Quinn Marston.