The whole premise of gentrification in a neighborhood, or how some may refer to as “rejuvenation” / “revitalization” is almost paradoxical. Based off of unfair provisions which favor traffic and follows capital, gentrification almost seems inevitable post economic-crises (fiscal crisis of 1975). Like the Russification of Brighton Beach, Stabrowski narrates that the
“… “Polonization” of Greenpoint was widely associated with the neighbor-hood’s “revitalization” in the 1980s and 1990s (Brown and Wyly 2000). New immigrants occupied and soon began to renovate the often run-down, multi-family residential buildings, while the proliferation of Polish-owned shops, markets, restaurants, and agencies dramatically remade Greenpoint’s commercial strips… Socially, Polish immigration enabled Greenpoint’s white ethnic homeowners to “defend” their neighborhood against Hispanic “incursions””
In a seemingly diverse society if one wants to keep a stagnant culture, some form of economic or racial segregation will ensue. As polish immigrants revitalized the neighborhood by preferring their own for residence and enclave formed. Stabrowski goes on to then describe displacement as “…a process that finds its expression in the manifold ways in which immigrant tenants experience “everyday displacement” [moving out] … For Polish tenants who have come to depend on the immigrant neighborhood they have helped produce, this constitutes a particularly acute form of displacement—one that remains relatively understudied in the wider gentrification literature…”This displacement ensued rapidly during the “… 2005 waterfront … scale private developers were given the green light to erect their vision for North Brooklyn—one that anticipated the construction of over 10,500 units of luxury residences, a 54-acre park, and a continuous esplanade to the water’s edge.” Although “affordable” housing was promised, the provision was executed on late and failed to meet its terms to the already displaced people.
Although it occurred during the late 1980s to 1990s alongside the immigration of the poles in Greenpoint, Brighton Beach still contains a predominant Russian Jewish makeup. As Keith Brown mentioned in “A New Gentrification? A Case Study of the Russification of Brighton Beach, New York” (linked in image below) soviet immigrants sought refuge in Brighton Beach due to the same reasons as the poles. The revitalized the neighborhoods due to the differing specialties of the populations which consisted of highly educated scholars with specialized workers/laborers. Seemingly having no difference, the Russian population is still there as opposed to the polish immigrants. The difference lies however in corruption, political representation, and self-promoted real estate.
Since the age of 13 I have personally experienced the place known as “little Odessa” and the its allure on ex-soviet Russians/ Ukranians. To prevent rezoning of the area a large number of Russian-speaking, immigrant-oriented firms, shops, restaurants, clubs, offices, banks, schools, and children’s play centers opened in the area. The value of real estate in Brighton Beach started to rise again, even though drugs remained an underlying issue a social issue in the early 1990s. During the early 2000s, a high-income ocean-front condominium complex, the “Oceana”, was constructed which houses wealthy businessmen, entertainers, and senior officials from the former Soviet Union. Additionally, Brown explained the effect of the “…favorable image of the Russian, an entrepreneur … by sensationalist fascination with the mysterious aura of the Russian Mafia and the purported role of Brighton Beach in the underground economy.” Furthermore geographically, it is part intertwined with Coney Island and manipulates its traffic to increase its own capital.
What is seen here is fire fought with fire. The soviet immigrants utilize discriminatory facets (although less now due to an increase in diverse population) to promote their own economic traffic while maintaining their own identity which is nowhere near as relatable as minorities who don’t have a high economic standing. Furthermore, having a Soviet Born politician elected for the 46th District of the New York State Assembly in 2006 might have something to do with it. Such bad underlying practices kept the culture stagnant but is in itself a different form of economic and racial discrimination.
Questions
- Since such an emphasis on race is circulated about a community’s identity, should rezoning policies be provisioned to account for cultural displacement?
- Are power and corruption indicators that gentrification will always take place?
- How can we ensure that the affordable housing policies are held accountable for their failures?
