“Jews and Italians in Greater New York City, 1880 to World War I” explored patterns of immigration amongst the Jews and the Italians. New York continued to be a place of refuge for many immigrants alongside being an economically, politically, and spiritually attractive place to settle. While many Jews used their industrial skills as an advantage and others strongly believed in movements like the Bund, which was the Jewish branch of the Social Democratic Party, there was a portion of Jews who rejected immigration on the basis of religion, believing that America was a land lacking spiritual values and people were plagued with greed. Thus, it wasn’t until persecution intensified that leading rabbis and their followers joined the mass migration. Due to intense oppression, well-educated and politically active Jews consisting of Bundists, Zionists, and Yiddish poets became part of the immigrant stream. This stream differed from the prior immigrant group known as the shtetl, or small town dwellers. They were more urban-industrial, less orthodox, and more attracted to secular education.

With the growth in the Jewish population, the city’s demographics were affected as the Lower East Side became increasingly congested. The area’s Tenth Ward was said to be more densely populated than the worst districts of Bombay. Jewish migration increased further with new bridges and subways that made Brooklyn more accessible. Jewish neighborhoods arose in Williamsburg, New Lots, Coney Island, and Harlem.  

In the late nineteenth century, there was a rise in anti-Semitism, frightening the German-Jewish population that this resent would spread due to the new Eastern European Jews. While they voiced their concerns of living with them, the German-Jewish community wasn’t insensitive to the Eastern European Jews. Western European Jews worked towards getting immigrants to America, forcing the German-Jewish population to accept their close existence. German- Jews  did try to influence the new batch of immigrants by introducing americanized lifestyles to them. German-Jews established associations and agencies like the Educational Alliance that provided vocational and citizenship training. Alliance directors, once strict about their programs and upset by resistance to americanization, soon became more responsive to their members’ desires and introduced classes in Yiddish language and culture. German-Jews solved what they believed as embarrassing problems through organizations such as The Jewish Prisoners Aid Society and the Lakeview Home for Jewish Unwed Mothers.

While violent crimes were uncommon in Jewish communities, the most widespread and disturbing crime was prostitution. The Lower East Side became known as the “world’s brothel” and more than 2000 prostitutes were Jewish.

For those people seeking out faces from the native shtetlach group, the landsmanshaft organizations proved useful. These organizations promoted cultural continuity and unity and provided various social services like housing and life insurance. One of the most significant organizations, the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society provided burial facilities for immigrant Jews who died on Ellis Island.

Unlike other contemporary immigrants, Jews were better suited for the urban life in New York as they were well trained in the world of commerce and manufacturing, thus increasing Jewish dominance in the garment industry. By the 1880’s, 90 percent of businesses were owned by German Jews. Jews also experienced unfair labor practices, which led to the formation of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union. Union membership became even more important with the Triangle shirtwaist fire.

In terms of politics, Jews began by following the German community in casting their votes for the party of Lincoln. However, as political groups started becoming more responsive to their concerns, two political strains competed for their votes. The Republicans were vocally critical of Russia’s anti-Semitic policies. On the other hand, many Jews were voting for Tammany, in hopes of electing a candidate who promised a clean government, legislation to improve working conditions, opposition to immigrant restrictions, and criticism of czarist Russia. For these reasons, Theodore Roosevelt’s progressivism gained support from Jewish Republicans. The Socialist party gained much popularity in the Jewish community with Morris Hilquit’s candidacy who advocated for material improvement and resented corruption and inequality. Although his candidacy fell short against Tammany and the Republicans, another socialist party candidate running from the Lower East Side, Meyer London won a seat in 1914. Many believed this was due to the understanding that socialism was actually “Judaism secularized.” Secularism became more important than orthodoxy evident through the impact urban life had on the declining centrality of religion among Jews. This mov was fueled by declining religious education and a short supply of rabbis.

A push away from strong religious values aligned well with the push away from cultural traits that Jews believed would be possible through schools. Even daughters were encouraged to attend for this reason. Educational attainment was a popular ideal in the Jewish community, but met with obstacles due to the lack of facilities and the fact that students had to leave school early in order to work.

Out of all the cultural practices remaining in the community, the Yiddish theater was the most popular. It provided its community with an escape from the poverty and drudgery they dealt with in their everyday lives, while showing its audience what their reality was. The subject matter of plays were commonly realistic and relatable including generational conflict, dealing with both secularism and religion, and balancing an ethnic identity. The Yiddish theater became a way of participating in the American life.

Italians, different from Jews, closely resembled groups in the old immigration due to their lack of urban-oriented skills. Italian men provided manual labor and were even appointed by workers to be strikebreakers. Labor contractors, known as the padroni, took a share of newcomers’ wages and in return helped the Italian find housing, jobs, and wrote letters for the illiterate immigrants. While they soon became less essential in the Italian immigration, they had gained opposition by native-born American who didn’t agree with contract labor, as it resembled slavery.

Italian communities, especially Harlem was plagued by crime. Sicilian immigration brought with it members of the Mafia. Sicilian criminals engaged in written threats, called “Black Hand”, demanding money for protecting businesses. While Black Hand threats were common, organized large-scale migration of the Mafia was not. Nonetheless, a separate Italian division was established in the police.

While at first Italians occupied unskilled construction jobs, they did see an upward path of occupational mobility. The amount of children of immigrants engaged in white collar work grew immensely and by the outset of World War I, they had become a significant portion of the emerging middle class. The city’s Little Italys consisted of bankers, newspaper editors, owners of large barber shops, and importers. Soon, they had access to better housing.

In terms of religion, the Italians faced opposition by the Irish hierarchy that existed in New York’s churches, who believed that that Italians were too lax, anti-clerical, and poorly trained. The Italians, on the other hand, didn’t trust churches in America. This distrust existed in their churches in Italy as well as they believed the hierarchical organization of the church was not responsive to their needs. To solve this problem between the Italians and the Irish, Archbishop Michael A. Corrigan and John Cardinal Farley requested more Italian priests and expanded parish activities in Italian neighborhoods.

To conclude, while the Jewish experience differed greatly from the Italian, the outbreak of World War I affected both populations similarly, stimulating the Americanization process. Over time, both groups like many immigrant groups would grow distant from their ethnic identities.

-K.A

Postwar New York faced a tremendous influx of people, as it was attractive to foreigners for several different reasons. Immigrants, majorly comprised of the Irish, French, and German, arrived to New York escaping religious persecution and the French Revolution, making Manhattan a place of refuge. America was popular due to a successful conclusion of the American Revolution and economic opportunities that facilitated growth unlike any other country. However, the problems of immigrants weren’t completely over after arriving in New York. Due to political tensions and religious prejudices, members of the established community in New York were not welcoming. An undeclared naval war with France and the Alien and Sedition acts contributed greatly to this resentment of immigrants. In fact, when German immigrants asked to create a German Society, the Council of Revision didn’t grant permission, claiming that this would give rise to more ethnic communities and attract more immigrants that were ignorant of the policies established by the Constitution. However, at times when the political climate was calm, New Yorkers helped the newly arrived immigrants, including establishing hospital facilities and raising up money for the refugees from Santo Domingo. Later on, the German Society was also given a charter. Resentment saw a decline with the end of the naval war and the Alien and Sedition Acts; New Yorkers turned their attention to domestic affairs. Multi-ethnicity in New York was at this point ingrained into its makeup.

Besides the need to escape religious persecution, immigrants arrived in America for economic causes. The potato blight of the 1840s impacted the German and Irish the most, as they were forced off their land. Immigrants were leaving their homes in order to economically stabilize in America and send money back home, especially for those families who had depended on their agrarian economy. This, alongside new immigrants helping recently arrived immigrants like the Friendly Sons of Saint Patrick did, became a pattern in the first decade of immigration. It strengthened transcontinental relationships, a pattern that exists in society till date. Other societies like the German Society and Irish Emigrant Society prevented immigrants from being misinformed of employment opportunities by “runners” who exploited immigrants’ lack of knowledge in terms of overpriced travel tickets and highly unfair rents.

As we saw in “Dynamic Growth and Diversity: The City and Its People”, lower Manhattan became an immigrant hub. Since rent was highly unaffordable, single family homes were turned into multiple dwelling apartments. Soon, tenements served as typical immigrant housing. They added to the unsafe and unsanitary living conditions of immigrants. A city inspector described them as, “many mercenary landlords who only contrive in what manner they can stow the greatest number of human beings in the smallest space” (42). This increase in poverty pushed New Yorkers to attempt at some reforms. Although with little impact, the Tenement House Law of 1867 and the Children’s Aid Society were two such reforms. The city’s plight truly worsened with cholera victimizing immigrant populations, especially the Irish who were comparatively weaker and poorer than other immigrants. “ In the 1849  cholera year Irish-born residents represented more than 40 percent of the city’s death toll from the disease” (45). Even more, municipal services were insufficient and even after some reform, their effects didn’t reach the poor immigrant communities till years after.

The Irish and the German, the main immigrant populations at the time, were the main witnesses  of New York’s inability to handle its growing status as a major city. Nonetheless, both populations had a different impact on the city. Although the Germans had an easier time assimilating than the Irish did, due to the abundance of skills they brought with them, like the Irish they sought out to find their own people and form their individual ethnic communities. They kept close through ethnic newspapers and fraternal organizations. However, rough patches were evident amongst ethnic communities themselves. For example, Irish Protestants did not want to identify with Irish Catholics. Several clashes and brawls between them led up to the Orange Riot of 1871. The Orangemen (Irish Protestants) wanted to organize a parade celebrating Boyne’s day, which commemorated William of Orange’s victory over King James II at the Battle of Boyne. Rumors of violence by both factions propelled state protection to be present at the march. Despite militia control, shots were fired and rocks were thrown. The death toll was sixty-two and mostly Irish Catholics were killed.

Despite such evident disparities, the interaction immigrants had with the black population in New York became a similar experience. Black immigrants shared the low economic and social status with the Irish. Each believed that the other came in the way of their economic opportunities. New immigrants were a threat to the black population as the work the newly arrived got was often at the expense of blacks. Even more, this hostility resonated in voting policies as many New Yorkers opposed black suffrage. From ferries to churches to restaurants, blacks were segregated everywhere. The black population’s backlash was seen through the Legal Rights Association which took transit companies to court after Elizabeth Jennings, a black woman was hurt when kicked of an omnibus and the independent black church movement which formed the African Methodist Church. Also, the Manumission Society founded the first African Free School in 1787 before handing over their management to the New York Public School Society in 1834.  

While “Dynamic Growth and Diversity: The City and Its People” elaborated on the discrimination blacks faced and the general atmosphere of New York with the arrival of new immigrants, “Diversity in Action: Irish and German Immigrants in a Growing City” honed in on the role that the Irish played in New York as arguably the first urban, poor-white minority group and how the experience of German immigrants was slightly different.

The Irish created street gangs named Dead Rabbits, Bowery B’ hoys, and Plug Uglies. However, it was not hard to understand why, as there was much tension and violence between various ethnic groups in New York City at the time. The Irish were aggressive due to the constant economic and social oppression they faced in both their home country and New York. The brawls Irish street gangs were involved in were more than just outbreaks of frustration however. Due to actual hunger, Irish workers broke in grain warehouses, known as the Flour Riot. The Irish often projected this growing rage against blacks, who they fought with for jobs, the British seen through the Astor Place Riot of May 1849, and at times amongst other Irishmen.

In terms of political participation, the Irish were loyal to the democratic party and to Tammany Hall. When New York discarded the property requirement for white, male voters, more Irishmen were enabled to vote and swing municipal elections, motivating the Democratic party to woo them. The Irish and Tammany Hall shared benevolent relationships because “The Irish in New York knew well how to use their saloons and their street gangs for Tammany’s causes. In return, Tammany delivered assistance in expediting naturalization; protected saloon keepers from overzealous enforcers of closing laws..”(64). Over time, the Irish demanded a greater role in democratic leadership. Mike Walsh, an Ireland- born journalist, advocated for workers’ rights and increased worker participation in the democratic party. He was elected to the state assembly and in 1850 won election to the House of Representatives. Although Germans were at first indifferent to politics, they too increased their role in the democratic party. In 1856, two Irishmen and a German won election to the City Council.

Even though the Democratic Party became vital for the Irish, they were still underrepresented as 58 percent of the power in the Democratic Party was with the “old stock” Americans. However, by dominating the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of New York, Irishmen proved that they had the power to tip the balance in elections. This sense of power was strengthened through Bishop John Hughes, an Irishman, who petitioned for a share of the state school funds for Catholic schools. He faced opposition from the Public School Society, anti-Catholic nativists, and citizens concerned about church-state separation. Bishop Hughes impressed legislators by the potential power of Irish voters as the only Catholic political party was established under his leadership. Even though no Catholic party candidates succeeded, the power of Irish Catholics became very evident.

Since native-American Catholics had a problem with the power Irish Catholics had over the church, opponents of the Democratic party used anti-Catholic sentiments to attract votes of native Americans. The nativist resentment was only ironed out after the Civil War because the city’s ethnic groups had the chance to demonstrate their loyalty by joining the troops. “No regiment was more renown for bravery and sacrifice than the predominantly Irish 69th” (72). While the relationship between the nativists and the Irish were improving, Irish resentment towards blacks was seen once again after the war. The Emancipation Proclamation infuriated them as they feared freed slaves would jeopardize their economic stability. Anti-war newspapers fueled this rage of resentment.  Benjamin Wood in the Daily News wrote that the Conscription Act draft “ would compel the white laborer to leave his family destitute and unprotected while he goes forth to free the negro, who, being free, will compete with him in labor” (73).

Unlike the Irish, the Germans had arrived in New York more educated, more financially stable, and more skilled, allowing their perception amongst native New Yorkers to be strikingly different. Although they did face poverty, an overwhelming amount of Germans became artisans and skilled tradesmen. In fact, German men monopolized the skilled trades. Although they did assimilate easier than the Irish had, nativist and Irish antagonism propelled them to remain separate. New Yorkers accused them of driving down wages of American craftsmen and Irish accused them of threatening their dominance on the city’s docks. Nevertheless, the Germans faced less opposition than the Irish had. They were not involved in street gang violence and had no reason to hold power in the church since only a portion of them were Catholic. Even though most Germans voted Democratic, many also sided with the Republican party and in general were less active in politics, saving them from more nativist opposition. Unlike the Irish, Germans practiced self-segregation protecting them from hostility. They did however argue that Bishop Hughes was only concerned about Irish sentiments, facilitating an incentive to form German national parishes. Soon, German Catholic parishes prospered.

The German-Jewish population also grew immensely in New York City between 1846 and 1886. This influenced Jewish religious life in the city tremendously and there was a major increase in the city’s synagogues. There was a creation of both a German-Jewish community and German-American culture. There was also a growing awareness of increasing social and economic disparities. Due to events like the Steinway piano strike of 1870, where Henry Engelhard Steinway attempted to cut wages of workers by a third, German trade unions began forming. Class conscious and socialist-leaning German immigrants, mainted socialism’s influence in the city. The German-American trade union movement expanded and with it socialist policies did as well.

German businessmen maintained labor peace and German culture simultaneously by founding separate German towns, promoting the notion that not all German immigrants shared the same values. This was also seen through different German reactions to industrialism. In College Point and Astoria, workers thrived in a “German atmosphere created and guided by industrialist patrons”(88). In Manhattan however, workers strived for a better life with socialist activism. Localism amongst the Germans remained consistent and was seen through regional associations, marriage partners, and regionally-based German neighborhoods.

Immigrant populations in New York City till date struggle with maintaining both an American and ethnic identity. For this reason, transcontinental relationships are as strong today as they were many years ago when patterns of immigration had just began forming. There are still cultural hubs all over the city, defining one immigrant population from the other. Equally important, even today we see division amongst people based on political and religious agendas. With Islamophobia and Anti-Semitism still very much alive and a declining trust in foreign relationships that Trump’s administration has showcased, the social climate of New York City today reminds us of the climate that existed in the nineteenth century.