To grow up reading Dick and Jane books, believing their childhood is your reality, only realizing it’s your fantasy. To idolizing Shirley Temple as a young girl, only allowing your dreams of looking like her to die out. To aspire becoming President of the United States, only feeling unfit for the position. To be white, black, brown, yellow. Who knew colors could hold so much power?

Nancy Foner highlights the significance of race in America in her detailed, well-structured historical analysis – “The Sting of Prejudice.” Before attempting to understand how race affects various groups, one must define it. “Race is a changeable perception … a social and cultural construction, and what is important is how physical characteristics or traits are interpreted within particular social contexts and are used to define categories of people as inferior or superior” (Foner 142-143). In other words, race categorizes groups of people in a hierarchal structure based on physical appearance, but the way individuals conceptualize these groups is always subject to change. However, currently, it is clear that people of color do not aspire to be white, since it is biologically impossible. Rather, they push to present themselves in a light that is superior to being black.

Tracing back to the wave of eastern and southern European immigrants to America, Italians and Jews are considered to be below white. They are viewed as “polluting the country’s Anglo-Saxon or Nordic stock” with their appearance, character, and mental abilities. The influx of Italians results in Americans becoming less attractive and intelligent, while Jews burden American moral standards. Scientific racism influences these thoughts greatly as they condemn Jews for their “inborn love of money” and southern Italians for their “volatility, instability, and unreliability.” At that time, neither the press is shy to echo these stereotypes, nor politicians to sway voting. Ultimately, racial targeting of Europeans proves to be a useful weapon in reducing immigration, but now considered as inferior races, both Italians and Jews are being abused. They are verbally labeled as equivalent to blacks, restricted from certain housing units, given extremely low-wage labor, and discriminated against in the education system. Today, this is unimaginable as those of European descent are considered white. However, separation between whites and blacks is evident as ever in New York. Especially with the coming of the latest immigrants who fall in-between these two striking colors, race becomes more complex and controversial.

No questions asked, people of the slightest African descent are considered black, including those from the West Indies. After the Howard Beach murder in 1986 and Crown Heights riots in 1991, West Indians realize that regardless of the differences they see between themselves and black Americans, others will only see them as black. Unfortunately, even today, being black comes with a negative stigma and consequences in New York. Although many Americans give off an unprejudiced persona, racially motivated attacks still occur to keep segregation alive. Racial slurs are directed at West Indians assuming they are black, whites and West Indians are just as segregated residentially as whites and African Americans, and the marriage rate between whites and West Indians is just as low as the rate between whites and African Americans. Although in New York, being the color black is associated with poverty, in the United States as a whole, being black is not a barrier to social acceptance or upward mobility. In fact, since the end of World War II, West Indians have taken up professional, high-ranking positions. The sad part is that the motivation behind this wealth is that West Indians’ status will be more “whitened,” hoping to become superior to African Americans. While they do share similar political beliefs, West Indians emphasize their superiority over African Americans through their outstanding ethnic differences, classifying themselves as “harder workers, more ambitious, and greater achievers” (Foner 155). The fact that West Indians truly believe they are better than African Americans and make this known to whites in order to gain favorability not only furthers racism in New York City, but also brings the philosophy of human nature into question. The instinct desire to be viewed as above another is evident in this case. Actions are put into play to achieve the desired social standing, even if it means bringing another group down.

It is simple to distinguish between whites and blacks, but it is not so clear cut with the Latin American population. Many confuse Dominicans with blacks, Argentines with European whites, and Mexicans with American Indians, so the term Hispanic was created in order to conveniently label this group of people. However, this term is no longer ethnicity based, rather it is becoming racialized. Now, Hispanic refers to someone who is “too dark to be white, to light to be black, and who has no easily identifiable Asian traits” (Foner 156). Adding to this racialization is the federal government, which is treating this group similarly to blacks in terms of antidiscrimination and affirmative-action policies. With this comes stereotypes that Hispanics are people who do not want to abide by U.S. laws, culture, and hygiene norms. Many groups that fall within the Hispanic race attempt to escape this label due to the misconception of being Puerto Rican, the largest Hispanic group usually associated with high poverty, crime, and drug rates. Immigrants from the Caribbean and Latin America push to highlight their differences from blacks and Puerto Ricans, while Brazilian immigrants object to the Hispanic label as a whole. Their white skin, middle class rank, and well-educated backgrounds give them reason to find it insulting to be confused with the rest of the Latin population. Like the West Indians, Brazilians make an effort to gain approval from whites by emphasizing their positive differences from the others, but nevertheless are unable to escape the stigma associated with the Hispanic label. However, white Hispanics do have more advantages over darker Hispanics in terms of landing more opportunities in the labor market, being accepted in predominately white neighborhoods, and intermarrying with whites. The identity crisis for the rest of Hispanic immigrants who fall in the middle of the white and black spectrum result in many to choose to define as “other.” As a whole, they have been able to avoid inferiority associated with blacks. Unlike West Indians who struggle with race barriers regardless of their class standing, class comes into play more than race for Hispanics. White or light-skinned Hispanics are able to move easily in this white social world due to their strong educational background and occupational status, but those of the lower-class continue to struggle. Whites view their poor, dusty struggling lives as corrupting the quality of suburban life.

Finally, Asians in America hold a different standing in race than the previous groups. Once excluded from the United States in terms of race, ethnicity, immigration, and citizenship, the “yellow race” eventually gained their rights in 1943. Over time, Asians have become the “model minority,” meaning the group other minorities should aspire to be like. Their stereotype renders them as “almost whites but not whites” — the most “Anglo-Saxon” of immigrants. Differing from blacks and Hispanics, Asians are least segregated from whites residentially and there is a high rate of intermarriage between them and whites. In addition, more white families have been adopting Asian children. Like all the other groups spoken of, Asian immigrants view themselves as superior to blacks and Hispanics and do not want to be lumped with them at the bottom of the hierarchy. What stands out about Asian immigrants is the way they consider themselves to be white before anyone can label them anything else, and the way they carry themselves attributes to this. Asians usually immigrate with degrees, ready to compete for middle-class positions, and their children are intellectually advanced, making up most of the population at top-rank schools. Before, Asian countries were considered “backwards regions,” but with Japan rising as an economic power and China becoming a large political power, their achievements cannot go unnoticed. Despite jealousy and resentment from Americans, Asian countries have deemed themselves too worthy of inferiority. However, Asian Americans are still prejudiced and discriminated against. Many refer to all Asian nationalities as “Chinese” and some groups are met with resistance when moving into all white neighborhoods. African Americans attack and destroy their shops, but as Foner states, “this hostility has a familiar ring, much like that experienced by Jewish shopkeepers and landlords in black neighborhoods in the not too distance past” (164). Just as the Jews are considered white now, she is foreshadowing Asians taking on the “white” label as well.

Living conditions for these immigrants are not great, so individuals take it upon themselves to bring this matter into light. Most notably, Jacob A. Riis, a man of immense tactic, does so in an upcoming art form of the time — photography. An immigrant himself, coming to America in 1870 from Denmark when he was twenty-one, Riis knows his strong German accent causes him to not fully be accepted in the eyes of a middle-class audience. He understands the push to prove his assimilation to American society, so it makes sense why he expects no less from the immigrants he photographs clustered in tenement homes. Although he conforms to racial stereotypes and intrudes on people’s privacy, Riis leaves an outstanding influence in the tenement-reform movement. His goal is to push his audience to act, and that’s exactly what he does. Mostly, his work consists of photographs depicting immigrants’ overcrowded lifestyles in tenement homes. Not only is his focus on the residents, but also the overall setting, including the poor conditions of the building and the landlord profiting from it. Riss is not really sure who to blame for these poor conditions, but what is certain is that he wants true change in the form of actively cleaning up the neighborhood. Regardless of his mixed views towards these immigrants, it is evident he believes in a racial hierarchal structure as well. His long lectures hit his “privileged” audience emotionally, persuading them that that becoming active will not alter their class status, rather that it is their duty to work against poverty. Riis even befriends former president, Teddy Roosevelt, taking him on a tour of the slums, ultimately successfully persuading him to close down police lodgers for more and better housing units. Overall, as Lampert writes, “His writings and photographs served as a warning: reform the rename to neighborhoods, or the anger from the residents of these neighborhoods will be directed at the audience” (69).

As perceptions in race change, so does public discourse about it. Back then, individuals did not hesitate to express racist views. However, with the civil rights revolution came laws and court decisions against discrimination, setting up a new understanding of what is acceptable to say about race in public. Contrasting to politicians speaking their outright views on racism years ago, political figures today should expect to receive backlash if racist. Conservatives are particularly against this, claiming that this new climate makes it impossible to express reality, and some, like Peter Brimelow, will go on to state that Americans will not acknowledge or speak up about the negatives of immigration due to fear of sounding racist. This statement in itself is risky in today’s newly public tolerant atmosphere, so Brimelow is feeling quite courageous after putting this out there. Low and behold, history repeats itself, and this is evidently seen through the reign of current President Trump, who would assumedly agree with Brimelow’s point of view. While these two figures are urged to “tell it how it is,” others will attack racial groups more subtly through “code words” or scientific context to gain more respect. Through police brutality and not supporting government programs assisting minorities, racism continues to persist as people attempt to get around the system, as seen so many times in the past, especially during the Reconstruction era. Progress is evident since those times, but there is a long road ahead to becoming a nation free of racial stigma.

-FN

         The idea of New York City being a place for revolutionary activism started from the late 1800’s. The Ten Years’ War was a collaboration between New York Latinos and Latin America for Cuban Independence. Although the Cubans lost the war, this contributed to a new wave of Cuban and Puerto Rican refugees fleeing to New York City. The many failed attempts at achieving freedom inspired this new wave of activists to continue the struggle to gain independence for Cuba.

         Even though immigrants migrate from their home country, they still feel patriotic towards their homeland. This loyalty caused Jose Marti to make a difference for his home country. Marti, as many other immigrants, migrated from Cuba to New York City in order to find a safe haven to organize his future revolution. He was known as a teacher and diplomat throughout Latin America, but in New York he took on a new role. Marti became a political activist and collaborated with many other migrants in order to free Cuba and Puerto Rico from Spanish autocracy. He united many Cuban and Puerto Rican exiles across the United States order to create revolutionary organizations to raise awareness of his plans to free Cuba. However, Marti characterized New York as a “double edged sword” (Jaffe 110). The city was a safe harbor that allowed for individual freedom but it also was becoming a prominent city that limited the freedom of people around the world. For instance, Cubans were enslaved in order to produce sugar that would be shipped into the Brooklyn dock (Jaffe 112). New York was prospering from the enslavement of Cubans, which intensified Marti’s feelings of New York being a threat for Cuba’s freedom. While Marti was working in New York City, he also noticed another group of people being discriminated against.

         Marti recognized the reality for African Americans living in New York. He asserts, “blacks are considered little more than beasts” (Jaffe 115). African Americans lived in segregated societies and were dehumanized with no individual rights as others in society. Marti realized that in the interest of obtaining Cuban independence, he must join forces with the African Americans and break down the barrier of racial segregation. For example, Jaffe states, “…It was a way to mobilize Afro-Cubans and Afro-Puerto Ricans in the city, in Florida, and in the islands to support the cause of liberation” (115). Marti created a strategic plan that would integrate the African Americans as well as unite them towards the Cubans in the revolutionary cause. He educated the working class Afro- Cubans and Afro-Puerto Ricans about the situations that were taking place in Cuba, and the urgent need for independence. As a result of Marti’s advocating against racism and educating classes, people of all races joined together in raising funds for the revolutionary cause. 

         After many years of planning for the revolution, Marti finally upheld his promise to start the revolt for Cuban independence. Although Marti died while fighting for his cause, he left behind a prominent legacy among Latino New Yorkers. Contrary to his desires, the United States acquired the economic empires of Cuba, Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines from Spain. The United States seized Cuba, but they were able to gain independence in 1902. His reputation in American history earned him a statue in Central Park because of his courageous actions to bring advancements for Cuban society.

         We have discussed New York as being a safe haven for individuals from around the world. Everyone brought their own unique culture with them and were still loyal to their own country even though they settled into a new territory. Many perceived America as a foe towards their own country. Marti observed the ties that the United States had with Latin America as only terms in order for Americans to benefit. This opposition towards the safe haven posed a controversy for many immigrants who had strong patriotic ties. Immigrants with strong ties to Cuba fought for their countries independence in spite of the difficulties posed by the U.S.  

-A.B

The article by The New Yorker discusses the role of pop culture as a form of mass resistance or as a catalyst for social change. Political art remains in the spotlight when it comes to identifying the main form of pop culture that acts as an instrument for economic and political control. Alex Ross quotes Walter Benjamin, ‘“There is no document of culture which is not at the same time a document of barbarism”’ (newyorker.com), which relates to the visual activism utilized in the abolitionist movement. One visual aid that sticks out is that of a drawing of an African American hanging by his/her leg, being harassed by two white males. This image documents the culture of what slavery was like, releasing its barbarism into the media, which at that time would have had a much greater impact on the population as these images weren’t as widespread or as easily accessible. Illustrations help bring unseen issues inside a community to the surface, challenging the already questionable societal norms, such as slavery. “…Mass culture advances radical politics,” states Ross, “One great contribution that they made to the art of criticism was the idea that any object, no matter how seemingly trivial, was worth a searching glance” (newyorker.com). Seemingly trifling symbolism holds great power in steering political and social reform. Luca discusses the importance of political competence where a citizen utilizes his/her role in society to “advance her interests successfully as a member of various social groups” (18). Being able to decipher symbols in political art verifies this “political competence”.

Luca in, “Questions on Citizenship”, depicts what makes up a good citizen, which includes being involved in the country’s affairs, respecting the laws, and educating the children. In relation to political art, being able to decipher the underlying tone serves as that education. Art is a “safe” yet powerful form of activism, abiding by the laws, and it often deals with the current pressing issues of the nation. “Citizenship implies a ‘sense of community’” (19), as Luca mentions, and a tension arises when there is a need to critique that community; citizenship allows all people, even the “socially disempowered,” as Luca states, to gain competence, to defend their interests, and thus, to criticize their community. Political discussion or expression between citizens acts as a form of confrontation and communication, as we see is the case with political art. Moreover, in democratic life, symbols are vital as they connect distinct groups of people and provide a common ground. Luca describes symbols as being for a collective identification; for instance, the abolitionist art, due to its heavy focus on symbolism (from visuals to captions), the art pertained to a large and varying audience.

In general, Luca states that collective identification becomes challenging with immigrants as their political identities remain with their original nationality, religion, or language. However, as communication expands, separate communities embrace the same pressing social problems, which places the communication at risk of getting lost in the “nonsense”, as Luca describes it; “The critique of the media…produced a succession of complacent exhibitions of criticism” (28). Essentially, critique becomes part of what communication stands for. Similar to the delusions that communication can fall victim to, political art is also susceptible to being twisted. Jackson opens “Making it Otherwise” by saying, “…artists are afflicted by a more than ordinary inability to accept things as they are” (167). This reminded me of Paul Revere’s engraving of the Boston Massacre where, for the purpose of communication, Crispus Attucks, an escaped slave, was depicted as a white male and not African American. Jackson discusses art in a more spiritual and sacred manner, illustrating how art can be an extension of one’s body or soul if one ceases to materialize the artwork and look deeper into it, not just at its surface. Any art, not only political, is known to evoke this deeper sense as it serves as a stimulus for reform, evoking strong emotions, and resonating with the viewer–it reveals the unseen aspects of the world.

V.B.

“Disappointed in the shortcomings of the external world, one may draw solace from the world within, and what one creates for oneself by other worldly means – including the work of art.” (Jackson 167)

Jackson presents his essay regarding the relationship between art and its creators in a unique way. From showing an artist as a refugee seeking his sanctuary through art, to being a person on the brink of madness looking for his asylum, the strong relationship between the two is evident. In this case, the art resembles a ritual, constantly performed in a prescribed manner.

Upon hearing the term ritual, one may immediately think of a religious activity constantly practiced by fellow followers. To some extent however, artists do see their pieces of work as a religious practice. As described in the article, “art and ritual share one compelling element: They avail themselves of the mundane images and activities in order to transform the way the world appears to us.” (Jackson 168) As the text continues, the Japanese tea ceremony of chanoyu is discussed. Traditionally, when we think of tea, it involves the preparation, pouring and drinking of it. However, if we consider the context of most rituals, special attention must be placed to bodily movement, posture, and the senses.  If we begin to realize the beauty associated with each step, we get to learn more about the object than what we originally perceived. Overall, according to Jackson, if we begin to perceive the world in more than what is merely presented to us, than we can find not only greater value in the things around us, but also ourselves.

The theme of art once again comes up in The New Yorker. Here, we see the emergence of pop culture as art and its influence through the eyes of Theodor Adorno and Walter Benjamin. Both men lived during the time fascism was beginning to decline. Adorno had a good life growing up, where he wanted to be a composer. Benjamin, on the other hand, had lost his idea of reality. With his family suffering too, he began having bohemian tendencies consisting of gambling, prostitutes, and drinking/drugs. While both men met in Frankfurt and became good friends, they proved to challenge each other in a positive manner. Each individual’s success in work made the other be motivated to create something new. Over time, both Adorno and Benjamin’s work  opened up a new regime of thinker. Benjamin was especially praised for his works on concepts such as “aura” which considered the here and now of the artwork in its unique existence in a particular place.

During their time, both men began seeing the early signs of the cultic aspect, almost ritual-like, nature of pop culture. Adorno was too irritated by the idea of emerging celebrities and even compared jitterbugging to “St. Vitus’ dance or the reflexes of mutilated animals.” Benjamin praised mass culture but also stated that it advanced radical politics. Many of his followers think that the means of pop culture has given voice to oppressed people.

It is ironic to see the comparison between the two articles of Jackson and the New Yorker. Both touch upon the idea of art serving as a ritual to some individuals. In Jackson’s article, art is shown in a ritualistic manner, where every action must be presented with careful thought and meaning. In the New Yorker article, we see how pop culture, another key movement to come out of art, produced criticism over the course of its evolution. In the case of Adorno and Benjamin, both had their initial hesitations regarding the widespread coverage it began receiving. As mentioned, both sides of the argument probably agree that the cultural evolution of late capitalism ushered in catastrophe and progress at the same time.

It is clear to say indeed that you either love the art or fear what it may become.

-SK

The anarchist and, later, socialist movements that swept America in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries lay the foundations for many of the ideologies and activist movements that follow into the present. In my opinion, it is one of the most significant movements to impact the world, introducing ideas and concepts ahead of its time. These movements are also one of the first times the artistic expression is actively used as a form of rebellion against an elite, bourgeois class.

“Pyramid of Capitalist System” 1911 by The International Publishing Company, Cleveland, Ohio

During this era of American history, the working class comes to recognize and sympathize each other’s plights as beginnings of communist ideology spread around the world. In New York City, the increasingly educated working class (due to prior activism resulting in compulsory public education) begin to realize that rather than competing for meager incomes from unskilled factor labor amongst various religious and ethnic groups like before, they need to fight the systemic injustice of capitalism. This realization comes from the recognition of the increasing wage gap through the housing. While the laborers had to deal with stuffy, unsanitary tenements in the corners, their employers can be found on, as Emma Goldman put it, “Fifth Avenue… laid in gold, every mansion a citadel of money and power” (Jaffe 96). This difference in standard of living of people who worked in the same building seemed unjust to the laborers who worked long hours with little pay.

When you consider the contemporary meaning of anarchy, often something similar to The Walking Dead or The Purge is what is connoted. But on the contrary, the “anarchy” that was preached during this time period was far from the contemporary meaning. In fact, what that anarchy called for then is eerily similar to many movements, including the feminist and LGBT, today. The anarchist movement focused on the achievement of one thing: freedom. Freedom in every sense: political, economic, cultural, sexual etc. While the most common one discussed is economic freedom through a communist revolution, activist Enna Goldman used anarchist ideologies to pioneer some of the first feminist arguments. One of the things Goldman argued was essential for the freedom of working-class women was contraceptives. She argued that they allowed them “to limit the number of children, control family expenses, and lead better lives” all of which are used in feminist arguments today (Jaffe 102). She makes logical claims to prove how the lack of contraceptives limit the freedom of women at a time when even speaking of contraceptives as an idea was taboo. While now it may seem obvious that the option for contraceptives should be a right, at the time it was an “anarchist” idea.

The socialist movement in America becomes an even bigger deal than other movements as it was one of the first to directly commission and use art as rebellion. This started out as a publicity stunt coordinated by heads of the IWW during the Paterson Strike to increase the visibility and positive publicity of their movement. The idea was to hold a pageant to boost the morale and raise relief funds of the tiring strikers. So, an artist by the name John Reed to help them depict the struggle they are fighting through performance. This blurred the line to be indistinguishable between art and protest. This is evident in the testimonies of those present were unable to distinguish protest from the performance. Art played a far more interesting role in forming socialist ideologies in newspapers like The Masses. As a magazine with the creed go “against rigidity and dogma wherever it is found; printing what is too naked or true for a money-making press,” it lived up to its name (Lampert 101). This ideology is part of the reason it became so popular. The Masses was a rough, gritty blend of editorials, essays, poems, and pictures to propagate socialist ideals. They criticized everything from the capitalist system to major employee abuse scandals to the United States government, not losing any of the vigor or wit even in its final days. What made it the most unique magazine is how far it pushed the limits in not only radical ideologies but in art forms too. Despite being so popular and criticizing the government during the Espionage Act of 1917 and making corporate bigwigs angry, the members of the magazine got away relatively unscathed. They were put on trial twice, both times resulting in no verdict. This privileged position was due to the fact they were white, male, and American-born, as one juror put it (Lampert 108).

While even now socialism has some negative connotations to it due to not just one, but two Red Scares the implications of the ideology go far ahead to redefine what natural rights we are entitled to. This is a train of thought can lead to major amendments to the constitution and help us develop what freedoms we should be given. While during the movement there was much opposition to what we should have and now some of it seems to be a given, it is important to remember that what is required by a people changes with time. The freedoms and rights we need are dynamic and will never be set, and because of this activism and opposition will be ever-present in our society. It is up to us to evaluate through discussion and example the validity and necessity of our freedoms and rights.

-PR

By the 19th century, the immigration influx had given rise to New York City’s incredible platform as a mecca for opportunity, diversity and prosperity. The numerous waves of immigrants proved the glimmer and hope New York City represented in the eyes of the many trodden and helpless. As Frederick Douglass recounted, “I was walking amid the hurrying throng and gazing upon the dazzling wonders of Broadway. The dreams of any childhood and the purposes of my manhood were now fulfilled” (Jaffe 74). Simple walking among the streets of New York City was a spectacle many wished to give their lives for and the supposed “opportunities” justified every morsel of the particular aspiration. However, hidden behind the glamor and hurrying throngs of people lied the dark truth. It distorted the reality of extreme poverty, disease-ridden tenements and most of all, it marred the existence of racism and proslavery attitude.

Although slaves in New York were freed as of 1827, the proslavery sentiment resided in the minds of many people. It can be accepted without argument that many immigrants faced extreme hardships on their way to assimilating within the American society. While the Irish and the Germans clamored over each other, they banded together over the idea of slavery. Fearing that the African Americans might steal their jobs, many white New Yorkers, especially the Irish, help hostile intentions towards the African Americans. Many African Americans were barred from restaurants, steamboats and hotels owned by white New Yorkers. The social inequality extended towards the political environment as well. As Jaffe states, “New York State’s 1821 Constitution required black men to own at least $250 in property in order to vote, and very few black New Yorkers had enough money to qualify” (75). This supposed requirement served as a systemic restriction upon the African Americans in order to impede their freedom and social mobility. While many white New Yorkers held pro slavery views, some believed themselves to be advocates of anti slavery. However, their solution to ending slavery meant to root African Americans from their homes and to deport them to Africa. The systemic racism pierced the lives of every person of color. The toxicity had rooted itself so deep that many officials had started to fund “kidnapping clubs”. This depraved society served to capture free or runaway slaves in order to sell them back into slavery, in the deep south. According to Jaffe, William Wells Brown, a black abolitionist called New York “the pro-slavery, negro-hating city…” (77).

In order to combat slavery and diminish the grip of racism and pro slavery sentiment across New York, many abolitionists took charge. According to “Practical Abolitionists: David Ruggles and the New York Committee of Vigilance,” David Ruggles “was a key member in a circle of activists based in the city’s black church congregations and in black self-help organizations…” (77). Ruggles was on the main abolitionists who set the basis for future anti-slavery movements. He gave rise to the Committee of Vigilance which became the name for manhattan’s black and white anti-slavery activists. One of the biggest feast of the committee had been the thwarting of “slave-catchers”. With the help of many black and white abolitionists, Ruggles managed to hire lawyers and guards who successfully rescued around 522 individuals from the ever-present shackles of slavery. Despite Ruggles’ constant efforts to free slaves, New York’s Democrats stood rigid in their anti-slavery views as they voted against Lincoln and his views of abolishing slavery. Tensions between blacks and whites rose to the brink as the Civil War came about. While the government allowed men to pay a fee of $300 for draft exemption, many poor immigrants took to the streets, enraged at the hand of their poverty and in turn blamed the blacks for their predicament. This gave rise to the Draft Riots of 1863 when many “white working white men and women, many of them Irish immigrants, rampaged through Manhattan’s streets, fighting with police, attacking abolitionists and Republicans, and lynching African Americans” (Jaffe, 86). The aftermath of such a violent crisis dwindled the population of African Americans in Manhattan. However, abolitionists were not deterred by this show of violence as many societies rose up across many states in order to assist African Americans in achieving their freedom.

One of the major forces behind the rise of anti-slavery sentiment was the assistance of many white abolitionists. As Nicolas Lampert writes, “American abolitionists also had their allies, especially in the British movement” (23). With the formation of Society for Effecting the Abolition of the Slave Trade (SEAST) in the UK, the anti-slavery propaganda began to spread awareness of the horrendous atrocities committed against the African Americans. Most notably, an image of the slave ship spread like wildfire across UK which resulted in The Slave Trade Act of 1807, banning of African slaves in the British colonies, and their transport to the United States. The anti-slavery sentiment eventually spread across the Atlantic, giving rise to the first iterations of political art. For example, in 1835, several abolitionist groups launched the “great postal campaign,”a mailing service which spread antislavery papers and pamphlets to every town in the country. This became one of the numerous ways in which abolitionists such as Ruggles were able to work towards the end of slavery.

Even to this day, our society is marred by anti-immigrant and racist ideologies. We as Americans boast of the numerous hurdles the country has overcome along with mind-boggling technological advancements, yet we refuse to rid ourselves of the racist sentiments. We continue to harp upon the protection of our country from outsiders, yet we fail to protect those who rise within its unjust and biased confines. We may have accomplished great things as a country however, it means nothing if we still view a citizen of darker complexion with contempt and hostility.

The famous comic book writer Stan Lee once said “With great power comes great responsibility.” To me, this quote is the epitome of what New York City and its population was living through during the late 19th century. As it became America’s richest and most powerful city following the American Revolution, New Yorkers were inevitably forced to deal with all the  tension and disapproval that came along with it.

New York’s dominance over the American economy became undeniable as early as the 1820s. The streets were becoming increasingly full of pedestrians eager to create a financial district that would thrive like none other before. Both migrants and immigrants would pile into New York and its working class was in full swing. Additionally, activist movements were in full swing during this time in New York City. While crusades against poverty, slavery, prostitution, etc. were nationwide, New York’s wealth and advances in communications and publishing caused them to be at the forefront of reform in America during this time. The American Revolution had given rise again to the ideal of American people choosing right and rejecting wrong, and so activism became the ultimate way for the people to do so. This being said though, as Americans began to stand up for what they believed in, Steven Jaffe explains that they could not always do so harmoniously. People would go to New York because of its belief in reform, however conflict and inequality over different ideals could not be avoided as a result. 800,000 people in the nation’s largest metropolis proved to be both an incredible achievement as well as an incredible challenge.

A leading factor in the challenge of reform during this time was the Labor Movement between working men and aristocrats. In June 1836 a famous trial was held regarding 20 journeymen- tailors who were in the process of being trained to become master tailors. They had formed a “Trade Union” to earn higher wages from their master craftsmen. A jury found them guilty of “riot and conspiracy injurious to trade and commerce.” This verdict sparked backlash that would span for decades and protestors would handle it in all different ways. There were those unionists who threatened workers that would accept lower wages. Then there were others who took action by crowding City Hall and expressed their disapproval of the “Rich against the poor”. Finally, some union movements refused to work at all until wages were finally raised. These are the times when New York proved not only to be an economic powerhouse, but also a battleground between the working force and the aristocrats.

Eventually, the working force took matters into their own hands by taking political action. They formed the Workingmen’s Party in the hopes of creating a political agenda that was aligned with their own. Their ideals were all about equality, and more importantly, equal opportunity. They wanted a society where there was a much broader definition of what it meant to be a “working man.” While the party was eventually split due to rivals and competitors, it nonetheless had an influence on labor unions and the New York Democratic Party that can still be felt today.

N.O

Assimilation of newcomers has always been a pressing issue in America; however, ever since the American Revolution, the concern of accommodating to a rising and diversifying wave of people troubled America even more. One would expect the population to expand due to an increase in job opportunities in the city and the abandonment of rural duties, but the aftermath of war, such as the French Revolution, also “encouraged both republicans and monarchists … to seek refuge on Manhattan island” (34). For instance, the slave revolt in Santo Domingo produced an influx of 4,000 refugees. The demographics change constantly, as while some remain as permanent residents, the rest move back to their home country, providing space for the next wave of immigrants. Established communities would assimilate into the larger white society, visible through tangible objects such as local newspapers; For instance, the German Society aided refugees and promoted useful knowledge. The Council of Revision became afraid that this would horde immigrants who will be ignorant of the Constitution. On the other hand, New Yorkers still proved to be “charitable towards newcomers in difficulty” (35), raising money and opening hospitals. Essentially, the Atlantic wars discouraged migration, and the restoration of peace encouraged this wave. The concentration of skills brought over to New York established it as a magnet for mercantile affairs and domestic trade. As a result, NYC emerged as a financial center of the nation. The demand for “banks, insurance companies, auction houses, and permanent stock exchange” (36) rose, and by the 1840’s Wall Street became the center of the city’s financial district, as it is still today. European nations constituted the largest group of foreign businessmen, establishing the long line of white control. Historian Richard B. Scott pointed out that the majority of the immigrants arriving to New York City in the period prior to the Civil War were young rural men.

Moreover, many issues came up to the surface with the new wave of immigrants which demanded accommodation. As time progressed, immigration became more accessible due to advancements in technology; establishment of private passenger lines and invention of steam ships served as a catalyst for New York City’s dynamic growth and diversity. With this growth, as anticipated, immigrants faced troubles other than being in a foreign country with limited financial resources. “Runners” would falsely gain the trust of disordered migrants and misinform them to rob them of their cash as much as possible. To accommodate to these issues, new facilities were set up such as central landing stations for immigrants, like Castle Garden, which was later replaced by Ellis Island.

The effects of the rapid population growth also led to pushed physical boundaries, northward. Lower Manhattan was converted for commercial use as residents moved upwards or to Brooklyn, while Staten Island was used to hold quarantined or ill immigrants.  The need for an easy commute transformed the city as mass transportation took place; omnibuses and horse-drawn railways increased the pace of the city. The people, jobs, transportation, infrastructure, and poor housing undoubtedly led to hygiene issues and disease, causing yet another need for new agencies and establishments. The Association for Improving the Condition of the Poor (AICP) documented “appalling conditions and called for reform legislation” (43). To place in a nut shell, the dynamic growth of New York City triggered a chain of events that only pointed in one direction: to reform and adaptation. However, adaptation often leads to exclusion rather than inclusion, paving the path for discrimination and racism, jumpstarting the loop of accommodation once again. The need to immigrate led to an increase in jobs, leading to a rise in industry and housing. Rise of industry led to the expansion of living quarters and the need to repurpose infrastructure. The trial and error aspect of trying to adapt to all the needs led to the development of agencies and legislations, many of which helped New York City become what it is still today: a bustling microcosm.

V.B.

Postwar New York faced a tremendous influx of people, as it was attractive to foreigners for several different reasons. Immigrants, majorly comprised of the Irish, French, and German, arrived to New York escaping religious persecution and the French Revolution, making Manhattan a place of refuge. America was popular due to a successful conclusion of the American Revolution and economic opportunities that facilitated growth unlike any other country. However, the problems of immigrants weren’t completely over after arriving in New York. Due to political tensions and religious prejudices, members of the established community in New York were not welcoming. An undeclared naval war with France and the Alien and Sedition acts contributed greatly to this resentment of immigrants. In fact, when German immigrants asked to create a German Society, the Council of Revision didn’t grant permission, claiming that this would give rise to more ethnic communities and attract more immigrants that were ignorant of the policies established by the Constitution. However, at times when the political climate was calm, New Yorkers helped the newly arrived immigrants, including establishing hospital facilities and raising up money for the refugees from Santo Domingo. Later on, the German Society was also given a charter. Resentment saw a decline with the end of the naval war and the Alien and Sedition Acts; New Yorkers turned their attention to domestic affairs. Multi-ethnicity in New York was at this point ingrained into its makeup.

Besides the need to escape religious persecution, immigrants arrived in America for economic causes. The potato blight of the 1840s impacted the German and Irish the most, as they were forced off their land. Immigrants were leaving their homes in order to economically stabilize in America and send money back home, especially for those families who had depended on their agrarian economy. This, alongside new immigrants helping recently arrived immigrants like the Friendly Sons of Saint Patrick did, became a pattern in the first decade of immigration. It strengthened transcontinental relationships, a pattern that exists in society till date. Other societies like the German Society and Irish Emigrant Society prevented immigrants from being misinformed of employment opportunities by “runners” who exploited immigrants’ lack of knowledge in terms of overpriced travel tickets and highly unfair rents.

As we saw in “Dynamic Growth and Diversity: The City and Its People”, lower Manhattan became an immigrant hub. Since rent was highly unaffordable, single family homes were turned into multiple dwelling apartments. Soon, tenements served as typical immigrant housing. They added to the unsafe and unsanitary living conditions of immigrants. A city inspector described them as, “many mercenary landlords who only contrive in what manner they can stow the greatest number of human beings in the smallest space” (42). This increase in poverty pushed New Yorkers to attempt at some reforms. Although with little impact, the Tenement House Law of 1867 and the Children’s Aid Society were two such reforms. The city’s plight truly worsened with cholera victimizing immigrant populations, especially the Irish who were comparatively weaker and poorer than other immigrants. “ In the 1849  cholera year Irish-born residents represented more than 40 percent of the city’s death toll from the disease” (45). Even more, municipal services were insufficient and even after some reform, their effects didn’t reach the poor immigrant communities till years after.

The Irish and the German, the main immigrant populations at the time, were the main witnesses  of New York’s inability to handle its growing status as a major city. Nonetheless, both populations had a different impact on the city. Although the Germans had an easier time assimilating than the Irish did, due to the abundance of skills they brought with them, like the Irish they sought out to find their own people and form their individual ethnic communities. They kept close through ethnic newspapers and fraternal organizations. However, rough patches were evident amongst ethnic communities themselves. For example, Irish Protestants did not want to identify with Irish Catholics. Several clashes and brawls between them led up to the Orange Riot of 1871. The Orangemen (Irish Protestants) wanted to organize a parade celebrating Boyne’s day, which commemorated William of Orange’s victory over King James II at the Battle of Boyne. Rumors of violence by both factions propelled state protection to be present at the march. Despite militia control, shots were fired and rocks were thrown. The death toll was sixty-two and mostly Irish Catholics were killed.

Despite such evident disparities, the interaction immigrants had with the black population in New York became a similar experience. Black immigrants shared the low economic and social status with the Irish. Each believed that the other came in the way of their economic opportunities. New immigrants were a threat to the black population as the work the newly arrived got was often at the expense of blacks. Even more, this hostility resonated in voting policies as many New Yorkers opposed black suffrage. From ferries to churches to restaurants, blacks were segregated everywhere. The black population’s backlash was seen through the Legal Rights Association which took transit companies to court after Elizabeth Jennings, a black woman was hurt when kicked of an omnibus and the independent black church movement which formed the African Methodist Church. Also, the Manumission Society founded the first African Free School in 1787 before handing over their management to the New York Public School Society in 1834.  

While “Dynamic Growth and Diversity: The City and Its People” elaborated on the discrimination blacks faced and the general atmosphere of New York with the arrival of new immigrants, “Diversity in Action: Irish and German Immigrants in a Growing City” honed in on the role that the Irish played in New York as arguably the first urban, poor-white minority group and how the experience of German immigrants was slightly different.

The Irish created street gangs named Dead Rabbits, Bowery B’ hoys, and Plug Uglies. However, it was not hard to understand why, as there was much tension and violence between various ethnic groups in New York City at the time. The Irish were aggressive due to the constant economic and social oppression they faced in both their home country and New York. The brawls Irish street gangs were involved in were more than just outbreaks of frustration however. Due to actual hunger, Irish workers broke in grain warehouses, known as the Flour Riot. The Irish often projected this growing rage against blacks, who they fought with for jobs, the British seen through the Astor Place Riot of May 1849, and at times amongst other Irishmen.

In terms of political participation, the Irish were loyal to the democratic party and to Tammany Hall. When New York discarded the property requirement for white, male voters, more Irishmen were enabled to vote and swing municipal elections, motivating the Democratic party to woo them. The Irish and Tammany Hall shared benevolent relationships because “The Irish in New York knew well how to use their saloons and their street gangs for Tammany’s causes. In return, Tammany delivered assistance in expediting naturalization; protected saloon keepers from overzealous enforcers of closing laws..”(64). Over time, the Irish demanded a greater role in democratic leadership. Mike Walsh, an Ireland- born journalist, advocated for workers’ rights and increased worker participation in the democratic party. He was elected to the state assembly and in 1850 won election to the House of Representatives. Although Germans were at first indifferent to politics, they too increased their role in the democratic party. In 1856, two Irishmen and a German won election to the City Council.

Even though the Democratic Party became vital for the Irish, they were still underrepresented as 58 percent of the power in the Democratic Party was with the “old stock” Americans. However, by dominating the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of New York, Irishmen proved that they had the power to tip the balance in elections. This sense of power was strengthened through Bishop John Hughes, an Irishman, who petitioned for a share of the state school funds for Catholic schools. He faced opposition from the Public School Society, anti-Catholic nativists, and citizens concerned about church-state separation. Bishop Hughes impressed legislators by the potential power of Irish voters as the only Catholic political party was established under his leadership. Even though no Catholic party candidates succeeded, the power of Irish Catholics became very evident.

Since native-American Catholics had a problem with the power Irish Catholics had over the church, opponents of the Democratic party used anti-Catholic sentiments to attract votes of native Americans. The nativist resentment was only ironed out after the Civil War because the city’s ethnic groups had the chance to demonstrate their loyalty by joining the troops. “No regiment was more renown for bravery and sacrifice than the predominantly Irish 69th” (72). While the relationship between the nativists and the Irish were improving, Irish resentment towards blacks was seen once again after the war. The Emancipation Proclamation infuriated them as they feared freed slaves would jeopardize their economic stability. Anti-war newspapers fueled this rage of resentment.  Benjamin Wood in the Daily News wrote that the Conscription Act draft “ would compel the white laborer to leave his family destitute and unprotected while he goes forth to free the negro, who, being free, will compete with him in labor” (73).

Unlike the Irish, the Germans had arrived in New York more educated, more financially stable, and more skilled, allowing their perception amongst native New Yorkers to be strikingly different. Although they did face poverty, an overwhelming amount of Germans became artisans and skilled tradesmen. In fact, German men monopolized the skilled trades. Although they did assimilate easier than the Irish had, nativist and Irish antagonism propelled them to remain separate. New Yorkers accused them of driving down wages of American craftsmen and Irish accused them of threatening their dominance on the city’s docks. Nevertheless, the Germans faced less opposition than the Irish had. They were not involved in street gang violence and had no reason to hold power in the church since only a portion of them were Catholic. Even though most Germans voted Democratic, many also sided with the Republican party and in general were less active in politics, saving them from more nativist opposition. Unlike the Irish, Germans practiced self-segregation protecting them from hostility. They did however argue that Bishop Hughes was only concerned about Irish sentiments, facilitating an incentive to form German national parishes. Soon, German Catholic parishes prospered.

The German-Jewish population also grew immensely in New York City between 1846 and 1886. This influenced Jewish religious life in the city tremendously and there was a major increase in the city’s synagogues. There was a creation of both a German-Jewish community and German-American culture. There was also a growing awareness of increasing social and economic disparities. Due to events like the Steinway piano strike of 1870, where Henry Engelhard Steinway attempted to cut wages of workers by a third, German trade unions began forming. Class conscious and socialist-leaning German immigrants, mainted socialism’s influence in the city. The German-American trade union movement expanded and with it socialist policies did as well.

German businessmen maintained labor peace and German culture simultaneously by founding separate German towns, promoting the notion that not all German immigrants shared the same values. This was also seen through different German reactions to industrialism. In College Point and Astoria, workers thrived in a “German atmosphere created and guided by industrialist patrons”(88). In Manhattan however, workers strived for a better life with socialist activism. Localism amongst the Germans remained consistent and was seen through regional associations, marriage partners, and regionally-based German neighborhoods.

Immigrant populations in New York City till date struggle with maintaining both an American and ethnic identity. For this reason, transcontinental relationships are as strong today as they were many years ago when patterns of immigration had just began forming. There are still cultural hubs all over the city, defining one immigrant population from the other. Equally important, even today we see division amongst people based on political and religious agendas. With Islamophobia and Anti-Semitism still very much alive and a declining trust in foreign relationships that Trump’s administration has showcased, the social climate of New York City today reminds us of the climate that existed in the nineteenth century.