Chapters

WHO CAN? DOMINI(CAN)!

Story by Olivia Palacios // Filed under MHC 150

By: Arwa Abdelhamid, Roshan Chudhry, Olivia Palacios, and Sabrina Song

PROJECT DESCRIPTION

Dominican immigrants are an integral component of New York City’s diverse immigrant background. This project focuses on the history and statistical factors of this group’s entry. It also describes where they were settling in New York as well as trends regarding jobs, gender, and education. Dominicans are rapidly integrating within New York as their numbers grow. There is a trend of growth within educational and job attainment within this community. This site discusses why these trends are present and what factors influence growth within educational and job attainment. One factor that may be an influence is culture. While discussing culture, there is also a commentary on how Dominican societal norms digress from normal ones. This project also paid attention to the central themes that surround immigration such as ethnic enclaves and integration. By observing themes, trends, and the history of migration along with statistics, this project fosters were able to gain a better understanding of this group’s migration to and presence in New York.
The Dominican population has increased dramatically in the United States over the past half century due to a surge in immigration. Immigration truly picked up in the 1960s, when Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo was assassinated (Nwosu & Batalova, 2014). While much chaos and trouble spread throughout the unstable country, the United States intervened and attempted to use the circumstances as an opportunity to shield the Dominican Republic from the spread of Communism from nearby countries such as Cuba (The New York Times, 2009). In order to ensure that this political system did not enter the country, America invaded it in 1965 and helped create a pro-western, democratic government. In a time of such havoc and conflict, many longed for the successful and comfortable life that seemed to exist in America and decided to immigrate. The previous Dominican government had favored the idea of life in an urban area, so when Dominicans heard of the United States’ urban improvements, they began to desire to emigrate to the U.S. (New York Times, 2009). These were the reasons that many ultimately came and resided in New York City; New York seemed stable and had a running economy, so many believed that moving would alleviate some of their struggles.

Following the Immigration Act of 1965, Dominican immigrants flooded into America through the new system that focused entry mainly on immigrants’ skills and familial relationships (History.com, 2010). With the number of immigrants allowed into the nation limited, it was somewhat of a privilege to get in. Many Dominicans came through work visas, knowing they would eventually become illegal, just so they could be permitted into the country (The New York Times, 2009). As the years passed, there were more economic push factors that led the people of the Dominican Republic to the U.S.. During the 1980s, many Dominicans immigrated because there was a Latin American economic crisis and they sought to escape financial troubles. Because of these conditions, there was a mix of immigrants entering at the time. Some were well off and others were in the middle class, but many were very poor (The New York Times, 2009).
By the 1990s, so many people had immigrated to the United States that family members found it fit to join their loved ones in the country, as having a friendly, familiar face and support system would make the move much easier. In addition, the Immigration Act of 1990 was passed in order to increase immigration into the country even more than it had before. This was in order to meet the needs of the nation, as the U.S. sought people who would immigrate not only through family sponsorship, but who would come ready to work and contribute to the country’s success and prosperity. These factors seemingly explain the fact that between 1990 and 2000, the Dominican population grew by a whopping 89%, increasing by 524,442 people (Grieco, 2004).
Aside from the peak in Dominican immigration in 1990-1994 and the subsequent dip that follows, the total immigration population has steadily and consistently grown since 1960 (Grieco, 2004). They have made their presence known; “people of Dominican origin or ancestry represent the fifth-largest Hispanic group in the United States (or 3 percent of the 52.9 million Hispanics), following Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and Salvadorans” (Nwosu & Batalova, 2014).
Within the Dominican population of the United States, 957,000 are foreign-born. This makes them 2% of the total U.S. foreign-born population, or 40.8 million in 2012 (Nwosu & Batalova, 2014). Although this may seem to be only a superficial portion of the population, the Dominican immigrant population is larger than other populations from the Caribbean, excluding Cuban immigrants.

MEANS OF ENTRY

Almost all Dominican immigrants enter the United States through legal means, predominantly through family reunification and sponsorship. When one family member or more resides in the country, this qualifies other members of the family for entry to the United States. These family members also often sponsor immigrants, vouching for the individual’s character, actions, and finances upon entry to the United States (Nwosu & Batalova, 2014).

CHANGES IN LIFESTYLE

Occupation

After New York experienced a shift within its economy during the 1960s-1970s, the number of Dominican immigrants working in production increased. The category of production covers a variety of occupations, ranging from food to industrial, therefore making it an occupational area in which Dominican immigrants could easily find jobs after the economic shift. However, when the economy shifted once more, Dominican immigrants began moving into other occupations, particularly sales and office, service, and management. By 2009, Dominican immigrants had spread out more evenly across these occupations, and therefore more evenly across income levels, rather than congregating in a few income levels (Ruszczyk, 2012, 3-5). The rise of Dominican immigrants working in sales and office, service, and management displays the advancement and integration of this group within society, as these jobs require a higher level of education, skill, and leadership than production jobs do.
The percentage of Dominican immigrants with some form of educational attainment has increased over time. Since the 1980s, there has a steady increase in the number of Dominican immigrants with a high school diploma, some college education, or a college degree (Hernández, 2004, 15-17). A possible explanation for this rise is the poverty that has continually been part of the group’s history. Many families did not have access to higher education when they first immigrated to America. This, coupled with poor English skills, led to a lack of job opportunities and therefore greater poverty. Parents who learned from this experience therefore pushed and invested time and resources into their children’s education, as they knew it was a vital part of success in America. This push has developed into the positive attitude towards education that many Dominican students hold today. In a survey, 93% of Dominicans students responded that they believed that what they were learning would be applicable later on in life, demonstrating the hopeful outlook they have for their futures (Canty, 1997).

Gender

Many more women work in service, management, and sales and office occupations than men do (Ruszczyk, 2012, 3-5). This difference could be attributed to the growing amount of businesses–such as the salons in El Barrio–owned by women (Gonzalez, 1992). Neighborhoods such as El Barrio are ethnic enclaves which enable these business to then hire other Dominican women because of the connections that these enclaves establish; therefore this increases the percentage of working Dominican women. The growing numbers could also be attributed to the protection regarding gender in the workforce found in New York that is not present in the Dominican Republic. Despite making up a large part of the labor force in the Dominican Republic, women do not have laws to protect them. Violence against women is prevalent throughout Dominican society. Therefore, this makes New York, which has anti-discrimination laws in place, a much safer place for women to work (Soy, et al. 2008). Another possibility as to why Dominican women are rising in the workforce is culture and gender norms. When a man–the traditional provider–cannot handle the financial burdens placed on him while moving to a new country, he may pack up and leave. This happens quite frequently back in the Dominican Republic, and it is occurring in New York as well. Therefore, women must look for employment in order to sustain their families in the men’s absence (Ojito, 1997). While Dominican women’s growing presence in the workforce highlights their integration into society and is empowering, it is still difficult for some of these women to get by in a single head household when they earn minimum wage and must pay New York’s expensive rent. Many families are living in poverty, and 33.8% of these households receive public assistance (Ojito, 1997).

Educational Attainment

The percentage of Dominican immigrants with some form of educational attainment has increased over time. Since the 1980s, there has a steady increase in the number of Dominican immigrants with a high school diploma, some college education, or a college degree (Hernández, 2004, 15-17). A possible explanation for this rise is the poverty that has continually been part of the group’s history. Many families did not have access to higher education when they first immigrated to America. This, coupled with poor English skills, led to a lack of job opportunities and therefore greater poverty. Parents who learned from this experience therefore pushed and invested time and resources into their children’s education, as they knew it was a vital part of success in America. This push has developed into the positive attitude towards education that many Dominican students hold today. In a survey, 93% of Dominicans students responded that they believed that what they were learning would be applicable later on in life, demonstrating the hopeful outlook they have for their futures (Canty, 1997).

NEIGHBORHOODS

A Dominican restaurant in Washington Heights filled with food, music, bachata dancing, and immense pride.<br /><br />
Source: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K-FzGcJ8w0Y
Washington Heights is the New York City neighborhood with the largest Dominican population (DiNapoli, 2015). Half of the population of Washington Heights consists of immigrants and 66% of those immigrants are Dominican in origin (DiNapoli, 2015). Washington Heights was initially particularly attractive to Dominican immigrants because housing in the neighborhood was cheaper than housing in any other neighborhood of Manhattan (DiNapoli, 2015). However, this appeal is rapidly changing. A 2016 report released by NYU’s Furman Center for Real Estate and Urban Policy found that Washington Heights is a gentrifying neighborhood (Florida, 2016). The report defines gentrifying neighborhoods as ones that were low-income in 1990 and that then experienced rent growth above the average between 1990 and 2014 (Florida, 2016). Accordingly, Washington Heights experienced an average rent increase of 29.3% from 1990 to 2014 (Florida, 2016). The gentrification of Washington Heights means that more of the neighborhood’s native population, who originally moved in for the cheap housing, is being displaced by the increasing rents.

Assimilation and Acculturation within Washington Heights

The community of Washington Heights is transnational: it is one in which there is a bidirectional flow of people, identity, attachment and more. Transnational communities are thought to have influences from both the home countries and current countries of the people living there. In an analysis of the transnationalism of Washington Heights, 37 first generation immigrants were interviewed to observe how they were affected by aspects of American culture. 31 out of 37 of the respondents identified as Dominican, rather than American or Dominican American (Jorge Duany, 2008, 50). They strongly retained many aspects of their culture such as spoken language, food, religion, and shopping. For example, many of these respondents said that they practiced Catholicism and shopped in Dominican bodegas. However, these immigrants are not necessarily attached to all aspects of their home culture. For example, many of these immigrants do not read primarily in Spanish, nor do they participate in the celebration of Dominican events. While this mixing of Dominican and American cultures shows that there is some acculturation within the first generation, it is not as present in the second generation as it is within the first. Whereas the first generation speaks Spanish, the second generation speaks English and “Spanglish”–a mixture of Spanish and English–more often than the first does. The second generation identifies more with American culture, as seen in the clothes they wear, the music they listen to, and the television shows they watch (Jorge Duany, 53). However, these second generation immigrants do not seem to have completely assimilated within American society, as they still do not identify themselves as American or Dominican American: they still retain their identity of being Dominican (Jorge Duany, 58).

CULTURE

Parades

 

Initially launched in 1982, the Dominican Day Parade is a proud declaration of Dominican culture and identity in New York City. After a long history of struggling with their identity as a community within the city, as well as difficulties with legal complications stemming from the logistics of the parade, the annual event works to celebrate the heritage and the contributions of the ethnic group to the larger community. Tens of thousands of Dominican New Yorkers now march up 6th Avenue between 38th and 52nd Street every year to affirm their place in the city. The parade culminates with a vibrant cultural festival featuring music, dance, poetry, speeches, and a myriad of other performances. (https://dominicanparade.org/about)
Source: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z_5AHLoFDb4

Food

Dominican cuisine comes from a blend of Spanish, African, Middle Eastern, and Taino–the Dominican Republic’s indigenous peoples –influences. Washington Heights is a hub of local restaurants that showcase the unique Dominican foods. El Malecon, a popular restaurant in the area, is known for its traditional dishes: mangu (a dish of mashed plantains) and “sancocho” (a stew) are just a few of the staples in the Dominican cuisine experience (Finn, 2014). To get a taste of Dominican dessert, one can visit the various bakeries and food carts for to try “pastelitos de guayaba”, which are pastries full of guava paste and cheese, or “habichuelas con dulce”, a sweet red bean and milk soup with plenty of spices.

RECOGNITION OF IMMIGRANTS

Documenting the Immigrant Experience

Source: http://www.pbs.org/pov/myamericangirls/interview/
“The immigrant story is one that I’ve always been interested in. The idea that people just pick up and leave their native lands and come to a strange country with next to nothing in their pockets searching for a new life is endlessly fascinating to me…. we’re all immigrants…or the children of immigrants in this country and, therefore, it’s a story that forms the very fabric of who we are” (Matthews, 2001). It is this interest that led Aaron Matthews to explore what was unique and special about Dominican immigration, as others have not really delved into the matter and truly studied this group that largely represents the immigrant community.
Aaron Matthews is an award-winning documentary filmmaker who decided to make a film about a Dominican family who had immigrated to New York. He decided to portray the life of this family, including the mother, daughters, and father, and explored what they truly experienced when they picked up their entire lives and moved to a different country (pbs.org, 2001). He gives each family member their own attention, as members of different ages face different challenges. He focuses on the idea that the mother of the family normally plays more of a role in the children’s lives, as the father takes care of business and relations back home. All family members, especially the daughters, choose their own, unique path based upon their different experiences as they face the difficulties and identity issues that come their way as they continue to live in the U.S.. Matthews attempts to capture these moments for his audience, allowing them to walk in the shoes of their immigrant neighbors. What he found special about Dominican immigrants through his observation of the Ortiz family was that they visit their home country much more often than other immigrant groups, due to the proximity of the Dominican Republic to America. Because of this, immigrants are able to stay very close and connected to family back home while residing in the greatest city in the world. This brings up the idea of loyalty and challenges the idea of assimilation. Throughout his entire film, Matthews attempts to address these ideas of gender roles, identity, family values, and success as he presents a new perspective to those who watch his film, aspiring for them to be inspired and more educated. Matthews said, “…One of the big hopes with ‘My American Girls’ was that the film would tell a story that all families in this country would be able to relate to and therefore open up much needed dialogue.” It is encouraging to see someone such as Matthews give attention to this group that has been neglected for some time, as he reveals the kind, generous hearts of a family that many will be able to admire and sympathize with as they see the many obstacles that come with such a big move.

Pride in their History

Source: http://www.foxnews.com/world/2013/05/16/making-history-new-york-city-names-street-after-its-first-immigrant-dominican.html

 

Many immigrants on May 16, 2013 gathered in New York City to celebrate “the renaming of three miles of Broadway in Upper Manhattan” because one of their one was being recognized and honored (Llenas, 2013). Juan Rodriguez was the first free, black man from Hispaniola (now the Dominican Republic) to immigrate to NYC 400 years ago and settle in Manhattan. Many Dominican immigrants attended the ceremony with bright smiles and Dominican flags, to represent their people and make their presence known; these immigrants wanted others to know that they were of importance and wanted to celebrate the man who started it all. Many see him as a heroic figure, as he inspires them and makes them believe they are capable and worthy, even in a place that they may not be the majority or on top of the social/economic hierarchy. Setbacks did not inhibit him, and this inspires them to not give up. In current times, many have resented immigrants and doubted their capabilities, but this man was a reminder to many Dominican and Hispanic immigrants of what they can achieve, as well as that someone of their own blood was present in the nation even before persons of other nationalities were. They are not outsiders and should be considered as a part of society, and they refuse to keep their mouths shut or their pride hidden.

Those in the Spotlight

Source: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-X5kqWfO0kM

AUTHORS

Works Cited

  • Canty, A., & DeCicco, C. (1997, November 10). Dominican New Yorkers Losing Economic Ground; Education is Key to Progress, Researchers Say. Retrieved March 30, 2017, from

http://www.columbia.edu/cu/pr/97/19217.html

  • Dominican Day Parade . (n.d.). Retrieved May 16, 2017, from

http://www.dominicanparade.org/

  • Dominican Day Parade in New York. (2015, August 10). Retrieved May 18, 2017, from

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z_5AHLoFDb4

  • Dominican Music in Washington Heights at the 27 De Febrero Restaurant. (2010, May 29). Retrieved May 18, 2017, from

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K-FzGcJ8w0Y

  • Dominican Republic Flag. (n.d.). Retrieved May 16, 2017, from

 http://store.nexternal.com/boyles/dominican-republic-flag-p413.aspx

  • Dominican Republic Traditional Music Part 1. (2014, March 22). Retrieved May 18, 2017, from

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yd35Ot8lM1k&t=118s

  • Finn, M. (2015, December 11). A Self-Guided Dominican Food Tour of Washington Heights and Inwood. Retrieved May 16, 2017, from

 http://www.ediblemanhattan.com/eat/washington-heights-tour-2/

  • Florida, R. (2016, May 12). Where New York Is Gentrifying and Where It Isn’t. Retrieved May 16, 2017, from

http://www.citylab.com/housing/2016/05/looking-back-at-gentrification-in-new-york-city

/482310/

  • Grieco, E. (2004, September). The Dominican Population in the United States: Growth and

Distribution. Retrieved April 02, 2017, from 

http://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/dominican-population-united-states-growth-and-distribution   

  • Gonzalez, D. (1992, September 1). Dominican Immigration Alters Hispanic New York.

Retrieved March 30, 2017, from

http://www.nytimes.com/1992/09/01/nyregion/dominican-immigration-alters-hispanic-new-york.html?pagewanted=all

  • Hernández , R., & Acevedo, A. (2004, May 24). Against All Odds: Dominican Students in

Higher Education in New York. Retrieved March 30, 2017, from

https://www.ccny.cuny.edu/sites/default/files/dsi/upload/Against-All-Odds.pdf

  • History.com Staff. (2010). U.S. Immigration Since 1965. Retrieved April 02, 2017, from

http://www.history.com/topics/us-immigration-since-1965

  • Llenas, B. (2013, May 16). New York City Names Stretch Of Broadway After Its First

Immigrant, A Dominican. Retrieved May 12, 2017, from

http://www.foxnews.com/world/2013/05/16/making-history-new-york-city-names-street-after-its-first-immigrant-dominican.html

  • Moss, J. (2015, July 6). Washington Heights Gentrification Sale. Retrieved May 18, 2017, from

http://vanishingnewyork.blogspot.com/2015/07/washington-heights-gentrification-sale.html

dominicans-in-new-york/

  • Nwosu, C., & Batalova, J. (2014, July 18). Immigrants from the Dominican Republic in the

United States. Retrieved April 02, 2017, from

http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/immigrants-dominican-republic-united-states

  • Ojito, M. (1997, December 15). Dominicans, Scrabbling for Hope; As Poverty Rises, More            

Women Head the Households. Retrieved March 30, 2017, from

http://www.nytimes.com/1997/12/16/nyregion/dominicans-scrabbling-for-hope-as-poverty-rises-more-women-head-the-households.html

  • Rafael Trujillo. (2014, April 23). Retrieved May 16, 2017, from

http://www.biography.com/people/rafael-trujillo-39891

  • Rafael Trujillo Killed in the Dominican Republic » June 1, 1961. (2013, October 22). Retrieved

May 12, 2017, from

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z27OHZyfNgs

  • Ruszczyk , S. (2012, November). How do Latino Groups Fare in a Changing Economy?

Occupation in Latino Groups in the greater New York City area, 1980-2009 . Retrieved March 30, 2017, from http://clacls.gc.cuny.edu/files/2013/10/Occupations-in-a-Changing-Economy-among-Latinos-in-New-York-City-1980-2009.pdf

  • Soy, R., & Bosworth, S. (2008). Dominican women across three generations: educational

dreams, goals and hopes. New York, NY: CUNY Dominican Studies Institute. Retrieved March 30, 2017, from https://www.ccny.cuny.edu/sites/default/files/dsi/upload/Dominican_Women_Across_Three_Generations_Educational_Dreams_Goals_and_Hopes.pdf.

  • Starlin Castro takes pride in representing the Dominican Republic. (2016, August 19). Retrieved

May 12, 2017, from

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-X5kqWfO0kM

  • Uniquely New York City (NYC). (n.d.). Retrieved May 16, 2017, from

http://www.baruch.cuny.edu/nycdata/uniquely_nyc/dominican_parade.html

 

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