I believe that the teachers’ strike in New York during 1968 was stemmed solely from the unwarranted opposition to any strides to improve the academic situation for minorities. An early example of this was the unnecessary backlash and deliberate sabotage of the Educational Park project. In the early 1960’s many civil rights and integration activists persistently pushed the notion of Educational Park to city hall. They believed by creating a college-like campus with the state of the art resources and labs, it could help promote the intellectual advancement of their students. An argument for this plan was that instead of dispersing limited resources to many small schools, the city could heavily invest in a shared community campus and have these luxurious resources focused on one school. White parents in eastern Brooklyn strongly opposed this strictly stating that they opposed the busing of their children to outside neighborhoods they deemed to be dangerous. From reading the arguments white parents stated in opposition of Educational Park, it is quite obvious that the educational aspect of schooling was not the highest priority. The highest priority for these parents were to keep their schools highly concentrated with white students and to keep their children out of “dangerous” neighborhoods.
Throughout this time period, many minority students also received unwarranted abuse while attending their assigned schools. On their way to school, students, parents, and busing advocates were all pelted with eggs and were called “niggers”. The other white students themselves ostracized the black students being bused into their school. For many black and latino families, the main priority was to simply receive equal educational opportunities as their white counterparts. With repeated unwarranted racism and abuse, the idea of the community controlled schools was created. Many of those who advocated for this strongly urged to allow the community to dictate schools in the children’s’ and community’s best interests. However, though liberal, many of the teachers in the United Federation of Teachers opposed this idea. They believed that implementing this kind of program would undo the many benefits and changes they fought so hard to gain.
I believe the idea of community controlled schools is where liberal school reformists started to split in their ideology and mission. After being granted an experimental district to test out new schooling organizations, teacher discontent quickly ensued. Teachers started resigning, accusing the governing board of the experimental district of ignoring their views. Discontent grew even further when Rhody McCoy was selected as unit administrator who was not listed as an approved personnel to fill the position. McCoy hired teachers and principals not on the approved lists. He also regularly made decisions that seemed arbitrary and contrary to his directives. Soon, in May 1968, 13 teachers were fired due to their undermining of the community control program. 350 more teachers striked in support for the 13 terminated teachers, only to meet the same fate; McCoy dismissed all 350 teachers. I believe that the root to these conflicts was due to the early opposition to integration efforts. So when given the opportunity to run a program they saw fit, community control advocates did so at the expense of the teachers in the experimental district.