Nancy Foner’s Introduction to From Ellis Island to JFK: New York’s Two Great Waves of Immigration (2000) provides a lead in to our discussion of the profound changes in the composition of the city that began in the 1960s due to the changes in American immigration laws. We will discuss how it affected the city in many expected, and even more unexpected, ways (such as the visual impact on vernacular landscapes) we will also consider the visual impact of gentrification that, in fits and starts, began in the late 1960s. I thought the review of Kim Phillips-Fein’s FEAR CITY : New York’s Fiscal Crisis and the Rise of Austerity Politics by Jonathan Mahler entitled “How the Fiscal Crisis of the ’70s Shaped Today’s New York” from the New York Times might also be reflected upon since we already touched upon the contribution of the turbulent 1960s’ to the fiscal crisis which came to a head in the 1970s. In his book, Phillip-Fein argues, and Mahler elaborates upon, the solution for the crisis was a “political ” one that radically changed the (left-leanimg?) city and led to the creation of what New York City Mayoral candidate Bill De Blasio had called “two cities: one rich and the other poor.” Did the new im/migrant mix also play a role in these changes? Also, remember that next Monday is the day for what I am sure will be your stimulating biographically presentations of 1960s New Yorkers.
May 7, 2017
Week Twelve: The New Immigrants in the New City
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Jerome Krase
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Jerome Krase, Murray Koppelman Professor, and Professor Emeritus, at Brooklyn College of The City University of New York, received a BA in Sociology at Indiana University (1967) and his Ph.D. at New York University (1973). He continues to work as an activist-scholar and serves as a consultant to public and private agencies regarding inter-group relations and other urban community issues. His interests have expanded into visual studies of neighborhood communities. He has researched, written, photographed, and lectured globally on urban life and culture, migration, and gentrification. Single and co-Published books include Self and Community in the City (1982), Ethnicity and Machine Politics (1992), Race and Ethnicity in New York City (2005), Ethnic Landscapes in an Urban World. (2006), Seeing Cities Change (2012), Race, Class, and Gentrification in Brooklyn (2016). He is an active member of several national and international professional organizations including the International, European, and American Sociological Associations and sevrves on several professional journal editorial boards.
Posts by Jerome Krase
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Music of New York: The Life of a Female Beat Poet Early Life & Education by Anika Czander
June 26, 2017
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Marlo Thomas by Ariella Trotsenko
June 26, 2017
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Being Gray by Benjamin Karasik
June 26, 2017
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A Teacher and Activist: Janice Gilbert by Rachel Smalle
June 26, 2017
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Dorothy Day: Spirit of the Sixties by Anastasia Hayes
June 26, 2017
Comments by Jerome Krase
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Anastasia Hayes: Some Thoughts on Our Stroll through Greenwich Village
I have published a great deal on authentic Italian American ...
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Anastasia Hayes: “Poetry and Prose”
You put it so well, that I am declining to ...
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Anastasia Hayes: The Gay Old 60s
Thanks for the link to "Unmet Promises: Gay Gotham at ...
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World’s Fair–MCNY Reflection
World Fairs are connected to ages old traditions of commerce ...
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Week 9 Response/Dick Van Dyke Review
Yes, now "housewives" can be of any gender.
Jerome Krase
May 15, 2017 — 12:37 pm
A recent article in The New York Times “The Culprits Behind White Flight
by Leah Boustanmay (MAY 15, 2017) supports some of our discussion in class about the causes and effects of the demographic transition in the 1960s:
“I compared the patterns of black migration into cities and white departures for the suburbs in 70 Northern and Western metropolitan areas from 1940 to 1970. I found that for every black arrival, two whites left the central city. This figure puts a precise value on what contemporaries already suspected: When black people moved in, white people moved out.
Yet only a portion of white flight can be traced back to the now-classic dynamic of racial turnover. Cities were simply too segregated by race for many urban whites to encounter black neighbors. Newly available Census Bureau maps show that in 1940, the average white urban household lived three miles away from a black enclave. By 1970, urban areas adjacent to historical black enclaves became majority black, but distant city neighborhoods remained predominantly white — no different in racial composition from the surrounding suburbs.”