Ch. 4

Chapter 4 discusses the role that churches and other associations played in Harlem’s development and community building. Churches were becoming the fastest growing institutions because they were attracting large numbers of newcomers and current residents. As a result, they became the social centers of immigrant communities. Through Caribbean immigrant congregations and American black congregations, there was some intersection between the two ethnic groups. This was because members of one group usually participated in the others’ activities and even celebrations. These churches also served to perpetuate the traditions of immigrants’ home countries (including weddings and funerals). Clergy used the congregations and the immigrant community as a base for leadership. For example, pastors were politically active; however, some criticized them saying that they turned the church into a business. Women played an important role in the church, such that congregations that did not have many women often failed to thrive. Fraternal and benevolent associations emphasized immigrants’ social positions and identity. They also aimed to stabilize life and promote upward mobility for immigrants. The fraternal associations, especially, often afforded prestige to their members. Some fraternal associations (like the Society of the Sons of New York) only accepted members native to certain areas. These associations provided sick and death benefits at a time when insurance companies refused to extend coverage or provided very limited coverage to blacks.

I found several interesting points in this chapter.

The author mentions that “membership [in a lodge or fraternal order] usually conferred a large, automatic constituency for anyone aspiring to leadership” (56). It was interesting to see how one could grow a “fan base” just by joining a club. It just served to elevate the fact that these associations were tickets to mobility and prestige.

It was written that native African-American congregations had Caribbean immigrants in (often) high positions such as bishop. I originally had the impression that both groups were mutually exclusive in the area of religion. It seems like that is not the case and that the relationship between native and foreign-born blacks is even more complex than I originally thought.

The services that black Americans conducted in their churches “challenged and broadened” the experiences of Caribbean immigrants. For any immigrant coming to a new country, he/she will always go through a learning experience. In this case, it is perfectly understandable that the black Americans’ so-called “shouting churches” shocked black immigrants. This reminded me of how my parents would always tell me stories about what they learned when they first came to Canada and then (with me) to the United States. They would say that the things they saw “broadened” (the exact same word) their experiences when they first came here. So, I connected with this part of the chapter on a more personal level.

One thing that I found shocking (yet somewhat amusing) was the restrictions present in benevolent associations and how this contributed to their so-called “clannishness” (66). For example, the future president of the woman’s auxiliary of the United Sons of Georgia was “disgraced and ousted” just because she was born on the “boundary line of Georgia.” Yet, she lived in Georgia throughout her childhood. This seems somewhat harsh to me. However, these actions make sense: These groups are very tight-knit and exclusive. They seem to have the goal of elevating their (for, obviously, lack of a better word) “native-ness,” such that anyone not from their native land is considered an intruder.

Ch. 5

Chapter 5 describes the struggle of Harlem residents to achieve a degree of political autonomy. Harlem had a tense political atmosphere because of a structure based on alliances and political antagonisms. Politics were based on a system of patronage. Some people (like Ferdinand Q. Morton) were able to rise to positions high enough to improve the political position of blacks. However, they made little progress in these positions. There was eventually a shift in Harlem from the Republicans to the Democrats. This was because the native black leadership of the Republican Party was not particularly welcoming of foreign-born blacks. Some immigrant and native blacks cooperated with each other to gain recognition for their race. They preferred racial solidarity to ethnic solidarity. There was a greater awareness of Harlem’s diversity, particularly because there were more Caribbean people visible on the streets. There was also a growth of new business centered on the import and export of Caribbean products as well as more ethnic-based organizations. In the post-war years, there was a negative view of foreign-born blacks by native blacks. This may have been the result of a growing tide of nativism during and after World War I as well as the Red Scare. Not many (“a negligible number” of) Caribbean immigrants were qualified to vote. Citizenship was often viewed practically, as a means of improving one’s economic and social standing. Another reason is that the Caribbean immigrant felt right at home here in the United States with the presence of people from his/her own home country. Thus, naturalization was also seen as unnecessary and meant very little to most. Despite this, some already-naturalized professionals made progress in Harlem’s political system. For example, they succeeded in integrating the district clubs. However, Harlem’s subordinate political position contributed to tense relations between native-born and immigrant blacks. This was reinforced by a 1917 redistricting that weakened Harlem even more.

I was surprised by how tense relations were between black Republicans and Democrats:

“During local political campaigns, mobs in San Juan Hill knocked Tammany Hall supporters from their stepladders and wagons, pelted some with rotten cabbage and fruit, and ran others from the street corners” (77).

Although this all seemed a little to extreme to me, it serves to highlight the animosity that many blacks felt toward each other. Maybe, it was attributed to feelings of betrayal considering the initial emphasis on racial solidarity. Did they feel betrayed by the fact that some of their “own” defected to the other party?

However, later in the post-war years, we see shifts toward the other end in terms of racial solidarity:

“There was a causal connection between the American attitude toward foreigners in general and the American Negro’s attitude toward the West Indian Negro” (81).

Now, it seems that the focus is on ethnic solidarity rather than racial. When speaking about Marcus Garvey, critics focused on his “intrusive foreign status” (81). This nativist attitude may have stemmed, not from fear but, from the notion that immigrant blacks were taking away native blacks’ opportunities for advancement.

Ch. 7

Chapter 7 talks about Marcus Garvey and the race versus ethnicity issue that surrounded his activities. Garvey initially came to America to raise funds for an educational institute. However, he eventually ended up establishing an organization called the Universal Negro Improvement Association (or UNIA) in Harlem. He established this organization to provide a channel for improvement for blacks. Garvey himself was acknowledged by many to be an excellent orator, well-known for his “militant discourse.” The Negro World was one of the UNIA’s publications. It was self-supporting and hired numerous black workers in Harlem in a time where these same people could not get any jobs. However, critics of Garvey used his West Indian/non-U.S. citizen status against him. For example, W.E.B. du Bois described the UNIA as a “West Indian movement.” Numerous government departments sought for an excuse to imprison and/or deport him. The criticism of Garvey became so sharp that some in the black press resorted to name-calling and derogatory remarks. This grew even more after Garvey’s meeting with the Ku Klux Klan, an organization that stirred negative emotions in the African-American community. Garvey was eventually imprisoned on a single count of mail fraud; however, many (including his harshest critics) believed that this was too severe a penalty for so simple a charge. He was eventually deported back to Jamaica in 1927.

I am surprised at the lengths that the government went through to have Garvey arrested. Having informants following him and tracking his every move seems a little too extreme. However, it seems that this was (in the eyes of the government) the sensible thing to do, given his reputation for “militant discourse.” It seems that he was seen as a threat to the stability of the country and to some people’s power. Maybe there was fear of revolution among blacks? I understand Garvey’s slogan of “Back to Africa.” He may have been trying to promote unity using common roots. However, it seemed to backfire as it instead divided many people.

Speaking of this division, I was also surprised at how the issue surrounding Garvey divided people along ethnic lines. Originally, we saw an emphasis on racial solidarity. However, it seems that the issue with Garvey made this seemingly nonexistent. With all the name-calling and bickering, I found it hard to believe that there was once a semblance of racial solidarity.

Ch. 9

Chapter 9 describes what was considered an illegal activity yet has been regarded as a social phenomenon in early-1900s Harlem: the “numbers” or “policy” game. In this game, the player took a chance that they could pick a series of three digits that would match the same set of three numbers appearing anywhere (most likely, a combination of the win, place, and show bets at a local racetrack). The player got a “hit” if this set appeared at the agreed-upon location. The heads of the numbers operation (the bankers) were in a position to make good money because hits were relatively rare. However, the bankers actually invested the money they received into Harlem property, charities, and other ventures. This was because those betting expected the bankers to put the money into a worthwhile cause. The game was banned in 1901 but was revitalized around 1914 by immigrants from Cuba and Central America, where the game was popular. Its popularity was grounded in poor economic conditions in Harlem. The thought of winning a huge sum of money compelled many to play. Some of the larger bankers, like Stephanie St. Claire and Casper Holstein, were huge economic, social, and political forces in Harlem. In the press, there was inconsistency in reporting about numbers (for example, in using the names of bankers in articles). It is also worth mentioning that white bankers were attacked freely. In the end, however, it seems that numbers only helped the black bankers, as they received all the money and were the only ones who held enough influence in the community.

Numbers reminds me of today’s lottery. People pick a series of numbers in the hopes that the numbers will be drawn. However, few win because (like numbers) the “chances of winning are [very slight]” (138). People who play put in millions of dollars into lottery tickets, only to never get any of it back. The only difference between today’s lottery and numbers is that today’s lottery is legal and more centralized. This was a comparison that came to my mind while I was reading. I was surprised by the similarities that I thought of.

The seriousness (and sometimes outlandishness) of the numbers game was something that struck me. The author mentioned that a banker by the name of Panama Francis “kept his money in nail kegs and suitcases in a cellar guarded by three Belgian police dogs” (139). It is also mentioned that the money he received as a banker enabled him to loan “the government of Grenada $500,000, on which he collected 4 percent interest” (139).

While I was reading this, another thought came into my head: We don’t usually consider people participating in illegal rings as having “unselfish generosity” (144). To me, numbers seems different from any other illegal activity I have studied in history. Here, the ultimate goal of those controlling it is positive. The bankers contribute their money toward worthwhile causes. We have St. Clair with her crusades against police harassment and brutality and Holstein with his generosity toward many causes, including the arts. I thought that this was noteworthy given the negative reputation that people running illegal activities have.

Ch. 10

Chapter 10 discusses the role writers played in recounting and even affecting intraracial relations in Harlem. Much of the writing during this period focused on the experiences of various groups, including those of immigrants. Some focused on forms of protest in response to various community matters. Others (like Claude McKay) focused on race consciousness and identity. Still, others (like Rudolph Fisher focused on stereotypes surrounding black immigrants. Immigrants also made many contributions to a “New Negro” literary Renaissance. Some of these writers included George Reginald Margetson, Eulalie Spence, and Amy Ashwood Garvey. Claud McKay (like some others) was connected to the press through their writings in numerous publications. J.A. Rogers emphasized black history in his writings, especially in his book, From Superman to Man. Amy Jacques-Garvey subscribed to the feminism of the era, demanding equal opportunity for women. Thus, the writings of the era not only focused on race issues but also the diversity of the time as well as protests for equal rights.

It was stated that, in McKay’s Home to Harlem, the main character realized that his identity “has been redefined for him by his fellow blacks as well as by white Americans” (151). To me, this does not only apply to black immigrants of the era but also to all immigrants of any era. There is a certain identity (i.e. stereotype) that an immigrant from a particular place is expected to subscribe to. Although this expectation was more open in the past, I believe that it still exists today albeit subconsciously in the minds of people.

It was stated that immigrant columnist Edgar M. Grey wrote a piece called “Dr. Pickens Is Too Black” to protest color divisions among African-Americans. Although the title would be considered (very) crude humor today, it was certainly a serious issue back then. I was shocked by the title when I first saw it. (I actually read it twice to make sure I read it correctly.) However, this reaction is due in part to the fact that if this were written today, it would ignite a firestorm of controversy. However, back when it was written, it seems to have been acceptable and appropriate for the issue Grey was discussing.

Ch. 11

The author uses chapter 11 to give the reader a summary of the findings presented throughout the book: all the way from the influx of Caribbean immigrants in Harlem to Harlem politics to the writings of the New Negro. The author says that although interactions between native blacks and foreign-born blacks did not necessarily lead to integration between the two groups, it did serve to provide a platform for the exchange of ideas and institutions that made Harlem a center for blacks.

Throughout the book, I noticed several ideas that were being repeated, especially that of kinship networks. It served to show how the experiences of both native and immigrant blacks paralleled each other in some way or another. Native-born and immigrant blacks are not entirely different from each other. They have shared the same experiences and share even the same roots. It is true that there has not been a true integration of both groups, and there is still some animosity. However, it can be said that the interactions of both of these groups with each other have led to a positive exchange of ideas that has profoundly changed the dynamics of their relationship.

Overall, I was pleased with this book. The author presented the arguments and evidence in a concise and interesting manner. I appreciated the use of stories to help the reader visualize some of the points that were made and the events that occurred. I also liked how each individual topic was separated into its own chapter instead a single time period per chapter (like in other history-related books). I believe that this allowed the reader to concentrate on one topic per chapter and learn the details associated with it rather than be confused by a hodgepodge of topics per chapter. In conclusion, I really enjoyed this book.