This past week we finished reading the second half of The Dew Breaker and it was just as fast paced and frantic as the first half. The four chapters comprising the second half, however, felt a lot less connected to the main storyline (that of Ka and her father the Dew Breaker) than the first five chapters. I think the first five chapters put more of an emphasis on describing the people closest to Ka’s family, people who are directly in contact with them. The last four chapters seem to focus more on distant relationships and places. In fact, two of the chapters take place in Haiti instead of New York while the other two have no characters at all “related” to Ka and her family. Of course all the characters in the novel are related in some divine scheme of things, but there weren’t as many direct relationships in the second half. For example, Freda, Rezia and Mariselle have no connection to the Dew Breaker himself, but are connected to him through the turmoil and violence that occurred in Haiti due to many Dew Breakers. Even though the relationships aren’t too definitive, many themes expressed earlier in the novel are still prevalent in the second half. A big one, in my opinion, is the idea of art as a political power. In the very first chapter, we are familiarized with a sculpture by Ka, one that depicts her father as a prisoner who had suffered through the harsh times in Haiti. This sculpture reminds Ka’s father that he was not a prisoner, but one of the many Macoutes who were the driving force behind the terror in Haiti. In the final chapter, we are again introduced to art, but in the form of speech. The Preacher exclaims how his sermons, although they lead to his untimely demise, would serve as a sort of political battle cry, calling for Haitians to stand up and speak out against the injustices in their country.

In “Transnationalism in the Aftermath of the Haiti Earthquakes,” I believe there were two main takeaways. The first was that the earthquake in 2010 was one of the hardest tests to Haiti’s transnational networks. Yet, instead of folding under the tremendous pressure and stress from the problems back home, many Haitians abroad rose to the challenge and showed why Haitian transnational networks are considered the strongest across the world. Many Haitians living in the United States opened their doors for their displaced countrymen, even if they were struggling to feed their own family. Haitian institutions, such as local churches of varying religions, followed suit in providing relief. Many churches directly organized relief projects for Haiti along with providing a place for solace and comfort. Most importantly, churches helped disseminate information about family members overseas, linking up with sister parishes located in Haiti. Private businesses that catered to large Haitian populations also did what they could to help. Western Union and other money transfer businesses provided “no fee” transfers, while Digicell, the largest cell phone company catering to Haitians offered free replacement sim cards so family members could stay in contact with each other during such a disaster.

The second takeaway from the article is that the 2010 Earthquake strengthened a Haitian identity in second-generation immigrants. What was first something to hide or lie about became a badge of pride. Many second-generation immigrants took charge and lead fundraising drives in schools and other social institutions across the country. A few students’ pride helped other closet Haitians step forward and also pitch in. No longer did second-generation immigrants try to stay hidden among other cultural groups; they were proud of what their fellow countrymen were able to do and wanted to make sure they also played a role in repairing the country of their roots