Starting with Chapter 4, Irma Watkins-Owens begins to truly dive into how the themes of movement and migrations (by blacks from the Caribbean, South, and Latin America) affected the development of Harlem as a unique community. Throughout the chapters she notes how the ethnic dynamics, the conflicts and cooperation between the immigrant blacks and native blacks led to the creation of Harlem being a sort of Mecca for the post-colonization era. Harlem, thanks its strong cultural roots, which were established by kinships, shared property, churches, and social clubs (the last two which were the main focus of Chapter 4), became a center for the black diaspora. Owens notes, “churches were among the fastest growing institutions shaping Harlem’s development as a black community” (57). Churches emerged along cultural lines. They were churches for native blacks, such as the African Methodist Episcopal and Abyssian Baptist churches, however the new churches were created to satisfy the new influx of immigrants from the south and Caribbean. When it came to churches, there were no strict lines of separation between natives and immigrants. A native black priest would serve a congregation of mostly Caribbean immigrants, while an immigrant could find opportunities in “historically black denominations” (59). Lines of separation did occur when it came to social institutions however. Social institutions and benevolent societies were common in the early 1900s in Harlem. There existed a wide variety of clubs and societies, and as Owens writes, “everyone belonged to something” (65). However things like culture, class and even economic status separated these clubs. An example would be the Societies of the Sons and Daughters of New York, which sought out only the best of the New York native African Americans. Other clubs were helpful, mostly for immigrants, as they would provide aid such as food and shelter. Overall these societies were based on three main ideas: “ [M]utual benefit and relief; economic and political adjustment; the perpetuation of desirable conditions in their homelands” (67).
Owens then moves on to talk about Harlem’s struggle for political autonomy. Harlem was unable to get direct political representation due to the conflicts between the immigrant and native blacks. Once the influx of immigration occurred, Caribbean peoples began to move up the political ranks, with men such as William Derrick and Adolph Howell joining other colored Democrats. The growth in immigration and population had also led to the creation of many new businesses and “ethnic based organizations” (80). These immigrants met they adversaries once America began grasp onto the ideals of Nativism. Separations occurred between native and immigrant blacks when it came to social and economical issues. Many saw the immigrants for nothing more than their refusal to naturalize. While many immigrants tried to assimilate to the native African American culture, they still maintained a strong connection to their homeland. The practices of Tammany Hall also caused strife between the groups. There would be an internal fight, as each group struggled to obtain the “[doled] out favors” and jobs by political bosses (86). It was because of these separations between native and black immigrants that Harlem failed to receive a direct representation in government. This led to terrible living conditions: “Overcrowded conditions, inadequate healthcare… high rents… prostitution…” among other things engulfed the Harlem community (91).
One of the leaders to emerge from Harlem’s growing social society and political interests was Marcus Garvey. Garvey was Jamaican born immigrant that moved to Harlem in the early 1900s. Garvey was a strong social activist and supported the ideals of Black Nationalism and Pan-Africanism. He was a stepladder speaker for his group the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), where he advocated for racial unity. Garvey was in support of something much greater than increased rights for Caribbean and native blacks. He proposed a theory of “Back to Africa,” where he depicted Africa as a safe haven and as place where all united blacks can have a fresh start. Garvey received heavy criticism for his beliefs however, and was scrutinized even by other black journalists and writers. They poked at his belief of racial purity. It was this belief that caused him to meet with the KKK, on the grounds that they shared a similar, but separate goal. While the KKK sought to create a dominant white race, Garvey and his followers believed in the creation of a dominant black race. Garvey’s plans to improve the lives of all blacks appealed to many. However, his radical actions caught the attention of the US government. His actions were seen as an attack on Nativist ideals, which grew during the WWI era. Anti-foreign sentiments raged during this time, and it was deemed dangerous that an immigrant could rise up and gain incredible support. While he was jailed and deported on the grounds of fraud, it is hard to ignore the true reasons for his exile.
In Chapter 9, Owens discusses the underground practice of numbers, an illegal lottery game, which also demonstrated the ethnic dynamics of Harlem. Bankers, who were the social and economical heads of numbers, were not only illegal bosses of the lottery, but were incredibly beneficial to the Harlem community. One such person was Madame Stephanie St. Clair. She was a renegade, and even openly expressed her connections to numbers. She worked to demolish the opposition of the Harlem blacks. She defied Dutch Schulz, a gangster who worked to take over the numbers game. She also exposed the police brutality within Harlem, which even led to the suspension of a few officers. Because of her work, she became a folk hero within the Harlem community. The next important banker was Casper Holstein. Holstein, although he kept a really low profile, made millions from numbers. Most of his money, however, he gave back to the Harlem community. Through his philanthropist work he mainly supported education and writing for blacks. Numbers represented something that unified the Harlem community, as native and immigrant blacks, and even some whites played the game. It was heavily set on trust, as players needed honest bankers to pay out if they won.
In the last main chapter, Owens discusses the writers of Harlem. The writing that came out of Harlem described what life was like within the community. Many writers utilized the dynamics between native and immigrant blacks as a basis for their stories. One such example was “City of Refuge” by Rudolph Fisher. He used the conflicts that existed between southern migrants and Caribbean immigrants to create a story about a Jamaican and North Carolina migrant. Writers not only focused on the conflicts, but also on “cross-cultural friendships” (153). They were also several Caribbean writers who utilized their own culture to create unique stories and plays. They would include the native dialect (a Caribbean English), and also music and beats such as calypso. They were other writers, such as Eric Walrond, who used their literary influence to describe the struggle of blacks within the community (156).
Overall, I enjoyed reading Owen’s Blood Relations. Her investigation into the creation of the current Harlem community is unique in its own manner. She investigates, as we discussed in class, at global (i.e. Panama), and local (naming specific streets within Harlem) levels. She does an incredible job of representing a variety of point of views. It is hard to find instances where her writing is one-sided or biased. Her progression is impeccable, and though it was much more of an informative piece, it may as well have been a novel. She clearly maps out the process in which immigrants left their homelands to move to NYC. Her examination of the people themselves is also evenly drawn and distributed. She focuses on people from both the lower and higher classes, as well as everything in between. Her writing has helped me better understand why Harlem is the way it is today. It also makes me wonder what Harlem will be like in the future.
