The issue of the Mediterranean migration is one that must be taken into careful consideration. Thousands (60,000) have fled from their countries due to government crisis or extreme financial hardship (Taylor). These people have managed to get passed numerous checkpoints, travel long distances with limited supplies, and get on compacted ships that will help take them across the Mediterranean. These people have risked everything, it is without a doubt that these migrants are desperate for a change. Many have already died in the process of immigrating. About 1,800 are reported dead (Taylor). An article claims that the death toll of migrants in the mediterranean has reached closed to the numbers from 2014 and the peak of the migration season has not yet started. European countries are giving some aid, however many neglect these migrants because they are uninterested in taking care of them as citizens. 60,000 people is a large number of people for countries like Italy to intake. They believe that if such a high number of migrants enter the country then economic stability is at risk.

After reading the articles about the Mediterranean crisis it became clear to me that the only solution is for European nations to accept these migrants. Although the number of migrants is a large sum, the other solutions such as improving the situation in foreign countries is nearly impossible. There are many European nations that are in need of migrant importation. Such nation includes Germany. Germany has many job opportunities. Over the years, it statistics have shown that the German population has been declining. The genuine German race are dieing much more frequent than the birth rate. Therefore, a nation like Germany can, without a doubt, take a large portion of migrants without noticing a negative impact in their economy. In fact, an improvement of the German economy can be the result from a large intake of migrants. The migrants will help speed up production in the nation.

There are many wonderful images I found in an article online. The images emphasize the struggle that the Mediterranean migrants are undergoing in order to search for a happier life.

http://www.theatlantic.com/photo/2015/05/the-mediterranean-migrant-crisis-risking-everything-for-a-chance-at-a-better-life/392957/————————>>Check it out

The movie “The Other Side of the Water” showed how West Indians in New York practice Rara, a form of Haitian music and dance. It’s origin is unknown, but many theories exist as to how it got created. Musicians that play rara do not follow any specific songs and invent music on the spot. When they practice, they let anyone show up and play with them. However, contemporary second-generation West Indians like to establish specific meeting times to practice. This does not coincide with older followers of rara because the musicians should not impose any restrictions on the music they want to play. It takes away from the feeling of detaching from worries and concerns in order to enjoy oneself. Rara is meant to simply be a way of having a good time. It also serves as a way to connect the West Indian community outside of the Caribbean. Thus, it is popular in New York City.

Lois Wilcken’s “The Sacred Music and Dance of Haitian Vodou from Temple to Stage and the Ethics of Representation” discusses the history and beliefs about Haitian vodou. This is the category that rara would fall under. Vodou is also a way for Haitians to enjoy themselves by playing music and dancing. When practicing vodou, people feel that they are possessed by spirits and their celebrations go on all night. Later, these celebrations began to be turned into performances, which made them detract from the idea that nothing is planned out or timed. Normally, spirits guide the performers’ movements and they dance and play for however long they want. The benefit of turning this into a performance is that vodou has become a quite well-known practice. Nevertheless, there are still some misconceptions about it. People view Haitians as cannibals because they associate vodou with the Haitian culture and some of those who practice Vodou do drink blood. However, this is only done on occasion and only certain people actually do it. Additionally, vodou was used as a way to incriminate Haitians during the United States’s 19 year invasion and occupation from 1915 to 1934. Vodou may have resulted in certain setbacks to Haitians because it was looked down upon, but it encourages Haitians to have national pride. Vodou, just like rara, helps unite the Haitian communities throughout the world.

“The Other Side of the Water” showed me the Haitian celebration of rara, and then I read about Haitian vodou in “The Sacred Music and Dance of Haitian Vodou from Temple to Stage and the Ethics of Representation.” I have not know about these forms of performances before. They seem quite pleasing and it surely must connect the Haitian community. My parents are Polish immigrants in the United States, but they never taught me any sort of Polish performance or activity. To have fun, I was only introduced to things all kids do: play with toys, go to the park, play games, etc. It would be nice for me to have an ethnic kind of way to please myself with other Polish people. Vodou and rara seem unconventional to me, but they seem like enjoyable things I would like to experience (if they were performed during the day).

“On the Other Side of the Water” shows the formation and evolution of an Haitian- Brooklyn Rara band. What is rara? How did it begin? How important is it to Haitian culture? Nobody really agrees or knows the answer to these questions- the best you can do is gather a ton of opinions and see what sticks the most. Rara is like a traveling band with horns, drums, and whatever instruments/ noise makers happen to be around; although, now it is taking on more defining characteristics, like having lots of horns playing. Some say rara began in relation to funeral processions, harvesting, or ‘Law says So’ Day during slavery times in Haiti. Some disregard Rara as something uncultured, associated with the poor, and unchristian due to its Vodou influence. Others argue that it is the most authentic form of Haitian identity, which has a negative connotation in America due to HIV rumors and its status as a third world country. Rara also becomes shown in a negative light as it becomes present in protests, which some claim reduces regard for the protests, and often draws an unruly crowd. Rara supporters say it is political in nature and is not the party it seems and that rara is meant to be chaotic. The realness of rara comes into question as well. Rara traditionally is not rehearsed and is spontaneous, anyone would wants to play and dance join along. The rara taking form in Brooklyn, following trends from Haiti, rehearses the music and more narrowly defines the sound, which some say is not the real rara. This film also depicted a lot of other transnational actions of the Haitian community, such as sending money home and members of the band taking care of one another since their parents are home/ are unmarried. This film also depicts how the occurrences in Haiti directly affect the American community because once coup d’etat       an uproar of the Haitian- American community responded, not only to that, but to all the other negative images and injustices inflicted upon their community.

Wilcken writes about Vodou’s transnational journey and its consequent misrepresentation. In American culture, Vodou has this kitschy vibe, with crazy dancing, zombies, vodou dolls. Dark and Unpleasant images of cannibalism and sacrifice has been spread through colonial tales. However, this sort of my mindset underscores the real Vodou religion of Haiti. Ever since its formation, believers have to justify their belief in something that most people have been unknowingly influenced to believe is both childish and barbaric. Haitians in America who believe in Vodou are in charge of clarify their beliefs, correctly presenting them, and expanding the wider public knowledge. Some companies present Vodou theater performances, which showcase their heritage in a positive light that they control, but is not necessarily how Vodou rituals were meant to be. So the question appears of how authentic is this sort of Vodou. There is also a question of Vodou has a nationalistic, cultural symbol of Haiti, but this also generalizes Vodou beliefs, distilling it for massive consumption, like theater performances. Vodou is meant to be a spiritual, religion to be followed by believers- not a side act to other agendas.

When some one mentions vodou, I think of the magic. Probably one of the most famous of the vodou dolls that we often see in movies and media. To be honest, I was ignorant and thought that vodou was some sort of magic practicing evil cult. It wasn’t until I decided to understand it deeper that I realize I was wrong. The movie that we watched in class on Tuesday had a similar message. To many people, vodou is automatically associated with something bad. In one of the radio calls, the caller said it was already stigmatized. Even if Rara, a music festival that originated from Haiti with roots in vodou, did not practice the use of magic or sacrifices, by simply being associated with vodou it was seen as negative.

Lois Wilken’s “The Sacred Music and Dance of Haitian Vodou from Temple to Stage and the Ethics of Representation” describes the process of bringing a traditionally sacred event that had a meaning to the stage where it is performed to people who knew nothing about it. By doing this, the performance fails to communicate its original meaning to people watching. This loss of culture through performance is also seen in other cultures as well. Because of money or circumstances, traditional ceremonies become performances.

In Chinese culture, the traditional tea ceremony is a type of ritual in which the person performing the ceremony puts extreme effort into tea preparation and presentation. It is traditionally performed to bring out the best taste from tea or to welcome guests. To some, the tea preparation contains spiritual values. The entire process is extremely meticulous and requires extensive knowledge about tea. However, the meaning of this ceremony has since been lost. Due to it attracting foreign people, the tea ceremony went from being a ritual to a performance that entertains viewers. The traditional preparation time can range from 10 minutes to half an hour. Modern tea ceremony only lasts half as long. some may skip steps or shorten waiting time in order to show viewers the general procedure. The act of appreciating tea and tea preparation is gone.

Before reading Lois Wilcken’s “The Sacred Music and Dance of Haitian Vodou from Temple to Stage and the Ethics of Representation” I had a very limited understanding of the topic. I had never learned about it, nor seen it and my only understanding of it was this poorly portrayed notion that it was black magic of sorts. It had a lot to do with the way it was represented and how the information was presented. Its more of a form of worship and community, than the negative things its said to be.

“Vodou life revolves around the dance,” Wilcken writes. It is a time for the community to come together and “get down with the spirits.” It involves animal sacrifice, drawing diagrams on the floors of the temple and dressing the altar. Activities are led by a poto mitan, The dancing is seen a series of greetings to the spirit nations. Its usually two slow beats of the drum ensemble pattern embrace one dance pattern”. A soloist will send the song, while the chorus will answer.

I found it to be interesting that Vodou left the temple and entered the stage world. It was nice to see La Troupe Folklorique Nationale incorporating Vodou and Carnival in their dances. I think the way it was depicted in hollywood and internationally gave it a very bad reputation, and made it seem almost evil. Its very unfortunate that it wasn’t presented in an unbiased way.

The article discussed that since Vodou was passed verbally, only the educated elite could write down and spread the ideas of Vodou. It was from these limited, one-sided views that influenced the cinematic representation, which wasn’t very positive. In my opinion, in time, people will be able to learn more about this culture and it will lose some of the negative tones it carries. With the rise of Vodou art and performances, it will spread out and people will become more familiar with it.

In “The Sacred Music and Dance of Haitian Vodou from Temple to Stage and the Ethics of Representation,” written by Lois Wilcken, the author discusses the development of music and dance of Haitian Vodou, particularly in Brooklyn. Wilcken seems to have a strong opinion about how the music and dance of Haitian Vodou in Brooklyn should be expressed and whether the way that it is currently expressed “on stage” is ethical. From my research, I know that Haitian Vodou is a syncretic religion that incorporates African religious symbology and theology with Christian symbols. Dance and music are two important elements in Haitian Vodou. The dancing that followers do is a way of communicating with spirits. In the communal services, members use the call and response structure as a way to express their happiness, sufferings, anger and frustrations to the spirits. Instruments like drums are very important in Haitian Vodou services because they are used to be able to communicate with the spirits. Drums can be compared to telephones. When people play them in the services, it is as if they were dialing the phone to call the entities.

Before the common era, the dancing, singing, chanting and praying done in Haitian Vodou services were considered sacred by those who practiced the religion and could not be parodied. However, because of tourism, immigration and expression of culture to those that are not Haitian, the Vodou dance became a theatrical performance. Haitian Vodou is recorded to have been practiced by African slaves since the late 1700s. However, it has always been frowned upon and stigmatized by the Christian Anglo-Saxon community because it was seen as demonic, primitive and savage-like. This stigmatization is still present today in both Haiti and New York City. People of the upper class tend to see Haitian Vodou as the culture of the dirty, lower class and do not want to be associated with it. The stigmatization of Haitian Vodou, along with other things, caused the U.S. to occupy Haiti in the early 1900s. Many Americans had and still have negative stereotypes of the religion. Many do not even take the time to study the religion and learn about the roots.

The writer concludes the piece of work by saying that the theatrical performance of Vodou has been more of a monopoly, allowing people to profit from the public that watches it. The people who partake in the public, dramatic services are not practicing the true religion, but rather an over-exaggerated, fake depiction of it. I watched a video on the New York Times about the stigmatization of Haitian Vodou in New York City that said similar things about the practice of the religion in New York City. Sometimes immigrants lose the religious fervor they had in their country. This article was very intriguing, especially because of how it relates to the movie we watched on Tuesday. Sometimes you wonder why certain people do certain things, dress and talk a certain way and look different others. By learning more about their culture, you become more open-minded and knowledgeable about cultures other than your own. I think that this has been happening to me this semester. Before this class I did not even think about the complexities behind Caribbean culture. I just thought that the people in the non-Spanish speaking Caribbean were like extensions of Africa—meaning that they had deep connections with African culture and identified as such. However, now I know how different and how similar Caribbean culture is with African culture. The public has always misunderstood Haitian Vodou. I for one am still quite ignorant about the religion. However, I respect it and am willing to learn more about it.

The video we watched during class on Tuesday was interesting. I did not know about Rara, let alone that there is one band present in New York City that plays in Prospect Park. This Rara band was a way for many Haitian immigrants to reinvest into cultural practices from their homeland as well as remove the negative connotations associated with Haitians during the late twentieth century. Rara has gone through many controversies. Some people associate it with the devil. Others think that it is an odd, peasant-like and unworthy way through which people attempt to show their Haitian culture. However, many use it as a way to connect with people of their same country of origin, have a good time and develop a sense of belonging to a community.

Vodou, despite the Haitian promotion it receives, isn’t the real Vodou that is performed in the temples. I am glad that Vodou has gone from a hated art to a part of Haitian culture. However, the Vodou everyone sees isn’t the actual Vodou that is performed as part of the sacred rituals. It seems to be a complex development in which the growth of Vodou is also the suppression of Vodouists.

Although Vodou songs are performed as part of secret rituals, the author gives us an understanding of its basic structure. It has the popular call-and-response structure where there is one caller and the rest responds to the soloist. The beat of the drum is the fuel of the dance that highlights key words in the lyrics and guides the dancers in their movements. Vodou drumming is so powerful that as soon as the antirhythm hits, it is theorized to release the spirit inside the dancer’s psyche. Outsiders view the Vodou dance as a theatre performance. However, in its transfer from the temple to the stage, the authenticity of Vodou art is lost.

Unfortunately, despite there being actual Vodouists on stage, the performance is controlled by outside forces. In an attempt to make Vodou a part of Haitian culture, the Haitian elite also tried to redefine it into something they think is good. There is a huge dilemma where not only are foreigners are misrepresenting Vodou in Haitian culture, but so are Haitians themselves. This misunderstanding will not come to an end unless the Vodouists finally get a say in what they are performing. Because Vodou and Voudists are poor people, they attempt to both satisfy the requirements put upon them and perform their Vodou to move along.

Lois Wilcken makes a great point that the privileged, because they are the literate people of Haiti, monopolize the written accounts of Vodou in Haiti. Foreigners take their representation of Vodou as seen in cinemas. They are making stereotypes of what Vodou is. They have no authority to define something that they are not a part of. Fortunately, Vodouists can take their art to the theaters of educational institutions. These areas promote their students to view things like Vodou with different perspectives. Many other concepts, problems and ideals have the problem that they are misrepresented by people who are not part of it. Spreading their views to educational facilities can be the gateway for a better perspective on these matters.

In Lois Wilcken’s article, “The Sacred Music and Dance of Haitian Vodou from Temple to Stage and the Ethics of Representation”, Wilcken talks about the common misconceptions about vodou in the Haitian culture. He talks about its history, how it developed, and how it helped the Haitian community escape from oppressive authorities. In the first couple of pages, Wilcken explains that the first misconception that most people have about vodou is that people dance insensibly to calm the fears they have about their environment. They just “pretend to dance” (Wilcken 193) to quell their fears and the mysterious cult in their society. However, upon deeper analysis, one can see that vodou, the dances and its rituals, were all ways in which people were able to “escape the vigilance of the authorities” (Wilcken 193) and to question those in power.

In these same pages, Wilcken explains the preparation and the main focus that goes into vodou. Vodou revolves around dancing. Preparation would consist of the whole day and include the following: animal sacrifices, magic diagrams on the floor, dressing the altar, and having planned activities for the guests for the whole day. The drums help drive the vodou dance as they dance for a long time.

When the United States took over Haiti, many journalists misrepresented vodou as zombie-like. Many movies produced in the U.S. made Haiti seem like they needed the help from the U.S. to solve “the problems caused by its own ignorance and superstition” (Wilcken 199). The term “voodoo” was coined from this misrepresentation. Many vodou performance groups formed and went to the U.S. in an attempt to escape the oppressive Duvalier regime. It also became an economic profit from tourism, for tourists would come to the islands and watch how the “real vodou” was done because the rituals and practices of vodou were traditionally passed on to each generation orally. These also caused foreign communities to develop different ideas about vodou because many of these groups would just enact the main vodou ceremony without explaining what was going on. These performances would last a couple of hours so many of the day long rituals could not be shown.

A group of teenagers in a poor part of Haiti experimented with their own sort of vodou and folklore, forming a performance group called Makandal. They earned a free passageway to NYC and become one of the most popular groups on the scene. Makandal features daring maneuvers, from fire handling to piercing the skin. New members started to join the group as the old members split apart and one of them died.

An interesting thing to note is that many of Haitians have kept certain vodou rituals a secret from outsiders and foreigners. Many priests would urge the performance groups in NY to not show all of the vodou dances because the foreigners didn’t need to see it all. Many of these groups had to adjust to the new technologies and the new audience members in NY.

Overall, many people from different societies have viewed vodou in puzzling and negative connotations. There is the constant struggle for performance groups to protect some of the hidden vodou rituals and there is the struggle to explain what vodou really means for Haitians to the foreigners. These vodou performances continue to challenge “asymmetries of power” (Wilcken 207) as they bring revolution to Haiti and the foreigners.