a macaulay honors seminar taught by prof. gaston alonso

Industr[y City]ial Displacement

In her works,  “‘From the Frying Pan to the Oven’: Gentrification and the Experience of Industrial Displacement in Williamsburg, Brooklyn,” and “In Defense of Old Industrial Spaces: Manufacturing, Creativity and Innovation in Williamsburg, Brooklyn,” Winifred Curran sheds light on the effects of industrial displacement, which she distinguishes from deindustrialization as the result of real estate speculation and local urban policies. She concentrates the first of these articles on small-scale manufacturers in Williamsburg, briefly sharing the stories of business owners who have faced both pressure from speculative real estate and displacement through a variety of reasons: rising costs of real estate, lack of appropriate space, and changes in the neighborhood and policy decisions, for example. What was interesting about Curran’s interviews with various business owners was the difference in opinion regarding the gentrification of the neighborhood- some business owners benefited off of being displaced, thriving in their new location, and viewed gentrification as a form of progression. Others were forced to relocate or to downsize their businesses, which, for some, meant permanently closing up shop. The difference in opinion is similar to that of business owners in Sunset Park in regard to the rezoning plans of the privately owned industrial complex, Industry City.

Industry City, a cluster of sixteen massive warehouses located on the edge of Sunset Park, announced a proposal to rezone its campus, which “at six million square feet is already the largest privately owned industrial complex in New York City.” The proposal outlines Industry City’s plan to create new commercial and industrial space by allowing its owners to construct a number of buildings that will include hotels, an academic campus, retail spaces, and parking lots. Among the business owners of Sunset Park, the plan is extremely controversial. Some express approval of the plan, saying it would create more jobs, that hotels would be useful, or that it would give them business. Others bring up concerns regarding being displaced, rent values being driven up, and preserving “the way of life” Sunset Park maintains. These echo the opinions of business owners in Curran’s research, and most likely of business owners in other neighborhoods facing the threat of gentrification as well. Gentrification is still an extremely relevant matter of discussion, as this article was written April 1st. As such, I propose the following three questions to consider:

  1. Curran remarks that many of the business owners she interviewed saw gentrification as an inevitable process, as many of them sounded hopeless in their discussion of how they were or would be affected by the gentrification of Williamsburg. Are there any measures that can be taken towards the mitigation of gentrification, or is it bound to happen regardless?
  2. In the case of Williamsburg, as it became increasingly gentrified, Curran notes that the “eyes on the street” made Williamsburg a safer place in terms of crime rates. However, in the process, several people were displaced, which, as discussed in her article, has led to drastic consequences for longtime businesses and residents. In cases like these, do you believe that the ends justify the means?
  3. Andrew Kimball, the CEO of Industry City, was invited to a Community Board meeting to discuss the rezoning plan, only to be met by hundreds of residents protesting the plan. He explained to them that the commencement of the plan would create at least 100 jobs per month as Industry City had previously done. Does this “make up” for the displacement residents of Sunset Park are expecting? Why or why not?

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