The Great Depression began in 1929 with the devastating crash of the stock market. This had a massive impact on not only the Big Apple but the country as a whole. It was so devastating that nearly 1/3 of every employed New Yorker was now unemployed. As stated by Jaffe, “The depression hit the arts especially hard. At least 8,000 actors and 4,000 chorus girls and boys were out of work in New York City (179).” Although artists struggle for employment was a nationwide dilemma, much of the emphasis was placed on New York City: “the country’s theatrical heart (Jaffe 188).”

The artists of New York City were tired of their financial situations as well as the government and wanted immediate change. They needed a form of short term financial security to surviving during this terrible financial crisis. Very few people were willing and able to purchase art in galleries so they needed a different way to be compensated. Ultimately, the government provided temporary relief through various different federal programs. For example, the Federal Art Project gave struggling artists opportunities to be employed during the Great Depression. In addition, a program that helped many performers in the theatre industry was the Federal theatre project created by Harry Hopkins to re-employ the performers of the United States. The official goal of these types of programs was to “put unemployed artists back to work, encouraging many different types of art forms that would be appreciated by a large audience, and fostering projects that had a social purpose (Lampert, 151).”

Social change for artists was crucial during this time. Many communist-supporting theatres joined together to fight for their rights. For example, theatres and organizations such as the Workers Dance League began allowing people of the arts (writers and actors) to express their concerns with current politics. In addition, artists from all across the city used the rise of art initiatives to express their political views. Their goal was to eventually cause social change and persuade people to fight for Communism in the United States.

The attempt of social change was not appreciated by everyone. There were a few politicians that did not support the goal of the Works Progress Administration Federal Art Project and other Federal Art Organizations. Politicians would often deem work they simply did not like as “Communism” as well a cut funding for Federal programs which “disqualified the eligibility of more than eighty-five percent of New York artists (Lampert 153)”. The surprising thing about the fight for social change was that at times, leftists themselves did not agree with some of the production. Their claim was that the basic plot of the agitprop performances attracted leftists instead of relating to the labor revolution which appealed to much more people who were on the fence about their political view.

The idea that the government handed over the relief problems out of pure generosity and thoughtfulness is inaccurate; it took the artists a lot of time and effort before even saw a glimpse of financial assistance. The artists of  New York ultimately fought through groups such as the Artists Union and the Unemployed artist’s group to make the relief efforts permanent. This long journey required a lot of lobbying as well as frequent protests to ensure the permanent employment of artists in the community. Contrary to common belief, the struggle for artists employment was not a one time deal; it was an ongoing battle which consisted of many budget cuts from the government leaving artists unemployed for extended periods of time.

Through thick and thin, the artists were able to fight for their rights effectively through their strength in numbers.

-RR

Both Steven Jaffe and Nicholas Lampert describe how despite all the challenges that came with the Great Depression, there was also enthusiasm for the arts that came along with it. Artists, whether it be musicians, actors, dancers, etc. were left with the question that faced millions of Americans nationwide, “What now?”

Steven Jaffe explains that during times when workers were not allowed to form unions, racism was rising, and people were being laid off left and right, artists began using all types of performances to spread joy, and awareness, during a time of chaos. People were being exposed to the real and honest events that were taking place at the time, in a way that made it all the more enjoyable and much less scary. Americans wanted these performances to be funded similar to the Soviet Union, however, the resistance sparked even more controversy and created a great divide between those who felt passionately about the arts in America and those who did not.

Nicholas Lampert on the other hand, describes the many ups and downs that artists went through both prior to, and during the Depression. He argued that artists had always been looking to be funded by the Government in America, though they were very often not so lucky, and therefore this was nothing they had not seen before. They were constantly fighting to be similar to countries like Russia and Mexico, where the arts were welcomed and desired with open arms, and clearly given the right to Government funds. However, American politicians, especially those in favor of the New Deal, grew hostile to this and would simply label those in favor as “Communists.” This alone could often be enough to quiet any opposition. As a result, organizations such as the WPA-FAP were created in order for artists to be provided with the opportunity to do what they loved.

Eventually, artists took matters into their own hands and began lobbying for Federal and State jobs. Temporary relief funds would also be granted, however they could not be relied on to last for an extended period of time. Additionally, the Artists’ Unions was formed where, again, artists would take action in order to obtain work and make sure that administrators were treating their employees fairly. Unionists proved that they were willing to do just about anything in order to have the arts be embraced in 20th century America the way they felt it deserved to be. They would participate in all different campaigns and solidarity actions in order to really take a stance and be heard. Despite the many ups and downs they would endure, the Union displayed artists as laborers and workers, and successfully brought together a great amount of artists all invested in the economic issues that faced the country.

During the 20th century the arts were an extremely controversial and debated topic in America. Whether they should be funded by the Government or how to take a stance on economic issues, artists proved that they were up to the challenge and would continue moving forward no matter how many times they were knocked down.

N.O

During the 1920s, racism, especially to the African Americans, had reached an unprecedented scale and range. Thousands of African Americans were lynched, falsely accused and tens of thousands were segregated, failed to receive the equal benefits and opportunities from the mainstream society led by white people. Started from this point, in Harlem in New York City, African Americans organized together to fight for their own benefits.

During the time white supremacy prevailed, the African Americans suffered, but then resisted with their pens. In 1899, an illiterate sharecropper Sam Hose was accused of killing his landlord and raping the landlord’s wife. Even though other people professed that he was defending himself during a violent argument, he was still assumed guilty and was brutally killed in front of 4,000 people. In Atlanta, on September 22, 1906, about 10,000 white mobs started killing all the African Americans they could find including children just because of the news of a series of suspected rapes of white women by African Americans. Harvard University’s first African American Ph.D. W.E.B. Du Bois was shocked and determined to turn the table for themselves. He joined The Crisis, the publication of NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People). In his writing, he tried to visualize the issues of racism and convey the positive images of black people to catch public attention and promote the status of African Americans. Furthermore, he distributed the publications to the members in Congress, wanting to seduce the government to improve the situations of African Americans. Later, the Dyer Bill defined lynching as the murder of U.S Citizen.

Meanwhile, the other African American activists like Marcus Garvey in Harlem were fighting for a prosperous life in New York City. They created their own city-spade in Harlem to let people like writers, artists, and performers to participate in the discussion of racism. “They created the image of a ‘New Negro’- independent, proud, and willing to fight against racism”(Jaffe 161). It shows that they were having the capability to participate in society as the other ethnic groups did in the US. They were not inferior to white people. Eventually, a series of such events, which called Harlem Renaissance, successfully arose the public attention, generalizing the idea of racial equality to the whole city even the country.

“Let the world understand that 400,000,000 Negroes are determined to die for liberty. If we must die we shall die nobly. We shall die gallantly fighting on the battle heights of Africa to plant the standard that represents liberty” Marcus Garvey had a different vision of the future of African Americans. He wanted to establish the community and systems controlled by black people. He intended that moving to Africa was the only way for black Americans to completely avoid racism. His organization Universal Negro Improvement Association(UNIA), funded by its transportation business Black Star Line, tried to help the African American to move to Africa.

All the efforts that African Americans did in the past intended to improve the social equality in the US, but it was more than just equality. It means that the colored people, the minorities in the country started to think about themselves as the citizens or one of the masters of the United States and were holding the benefits of the country to fight against the racism. It was an improvement of status and human rights for African American, but it was more like the self-redemption: they just fight for what they were supposed to have hundreds of years ago.

-Z.L

In the early 1920s, racism, in its different shapes and forms, took the nation by storm. African Americans were being tested like never before and facing adversity all around the country. Even a place like Harlem, with over 300,000 Black people wasn’t considered safe. This was a time where the Black population had to decide how they would take action and avoid the catastrophes their people were facing too frequently.

Langston Hughes poem “Christ in Alabama” and Billie Holiday’s song “Strange Fruit” give detailed and descriptive insight into how catastrophic these incidences were. They explain that Black people were being tortured, lynched, and killed simply because of the color of their skin. They make no mention of the rape, murders, and crimes that White people claimed the Blacks had committed, because in reality, all these claims were false. Rather, the Whites only said these things to get away with the viciousness and brutality they felt entitled to. Black bodies would be hung for thousands of people to see, and also served as a reminder for people all across the country of what could happen. Both these accounts prove why much of the Black population lived in great fear for the first half of the 20th century.

There were those though who took a stance and became leaders of reform during this time in history. They had different ideals and philosophies on how to end racism once and for all in America. One of these people was Marcus Garvey. Steven Jaffe explains that in 1921 Garvey began the movement of bringing all Negroes back to their homeland, Africa. He felt racism could not be in America any longer if the Blacks were not there either. He started the Universal Negro Improvement Association in order to put his mission of “Africa for the Africans” into action. This would allow his shipping fleet, the Black Star Line, to raise enough money to essentially, be able to transport both cargos and passengers back to the homeland. While this plan excited Black people across the nation, Marcus Garvey made one mistake in his pursuit, that eventually turned this plan upside down.

Marcus Garvey had been so focused on sending all Black people out of America, that he was criticized for having the same mentality as the racists themselves, who claimed that Black and White people must have their own territories and should live in segregation. The NAACP, on the other hand, had an entirely different approach. Led by W.E.B Du Bois, they believed that the only way for racism to stop was by the Black population fighting for the rights they deserved and were guaranteed. They were extremely aggressive in their fight to abolish lynchings, defeat racist legislation, and end the severe discrimination of Black people. The NAACP proved to be much more than just a voice for Blacks, but an organization to rely on in times of need.

Finally, Du Bois’ position as editor of The Crisis contributed to his everlasting legacy. This publication gave brutally honest accounts of the violence by Whites, specifically “The Lynching Crisis.” White people would take whatever means necessary, and make up any claims in order to watch Black people get lynched, and distribute their limbs as “souvenirs.” He wanted to make this known, as well the other opinions he had on key controversial topics. He wanted to show the danger of race prejudice, believed in the “Talented Tenth”, and wanted to showcase the Black middle class as a beacon of hope and empowerment.

Despite the terror that most of the American Black population felt prior to the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s, there were also those who took it as an opportunity to make a change. Whether it be through silent marches, personal and opinionated publications, or joining one of the many organizations formed during this time, African Americans showed that they would do whatever it took to end racism and create an America they desperately needed.

-Molly Ottensoser

“Jews and Italians in Greater New York City, 1880 to World War I” explored patterns of immigration amongst the Jews and the Italians. New York continued to be a place of refuge for many immigrants alongside being an economically, politically, and spiritually attractive place to settle. While many Jews used their industrial skills as an advantage and others strongly believed in movements like the Bund, which was the Jewish branch of the Social Democratic Party, there was a portion of Jews who rejected immigration on the basis of religion, believing that America was a land lacking spiritual values and people were plagued with greed. Thus, it wasn’t until persecution intensified that leading rabbis and their followers joined the mass migration. Due to intense oppression, well-educated and politically active Jews consisting of Bundists, Zionists, and Yiddish poets became part of the immigrant stream. This stream differed from the prior immigrant group known as the shtetl, or small town dwellers. They were more urban-industrial, less orthodox, and more attracted to secular education.

With the growth in the Jewish population, the city’s demographics were affected as the Lower East Side became increasingly congested. The area’s Tenth Ward was said to be more densely populated than the worst districts of Bombay. Jewish migration increased further with new bridges and subways that made Brooklyn more accessible. Jewish neighborhoods arose in Williamsburg, New Lots, Coney Island, and Harlem.  

In the late nineteenth century, there was a rise in anti-Semitism, frightening the German-Jewish population that this resent would spread due to the new Eastern European Jews. While they voiced their concerns of living with them, the German-Jewish community wasn’t insensitive to the Eastern European Jews. Western European Jews worked towards getting immigrants to America, forcing the German-Jewish population to accept their close existence. German- Jews  did try to influence the new batch of immigrants by introducing americanized lifestyles to them. German-Jews established associations and agencies like the Educational Alliance that provided vocational and citizenship training. Alliance directors, once strict about their programs and upset by resistance to americanization, soon became more responsive to their members’ desires and introduced classes in Yiddish language and culture. German-Jews solved what they believed as embarrassing problems through organizations such as The Jewish Prisoners Aid Society and the Lakeview Home for Jewish Unwed Mothers.

While violent crimes were uncommon in Jewish communities, the most widespread and disturbing crime was prostitution. The Lower East Side became known as the “world’s brothel” and more than 2000 prostitutes were Jewish.

For those people seeking out faces from the native shtetlach group, the landsmanshaft organizations proved useful. These organizations promoted cultural continuity and unity and provided various social services like housing and life insurance. One of the most significant organizations, the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society provided burial facilities for immigrant Jews who died on Ellis Island.

Unlike other contemporary immigrants, Jews were better suited for the urban life in New York as they were well trained in the world of commerce and manufacturing, thus increasing Jewish dominance in the garment industry. By the 1880’s, 90 percent of businesses were owned by German Jews. Jews also experienced unfair labor practices, which led to the formation of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union. Union membership became even more important with the Triangle shirtwaist fire.

In terms of politics, Jews began by following the German community in casting their votes for the party of Lincoln. However, as political groups started becoming more responsive to their concerns, two political strains competed for their votes. The Republicans were vocally critical of Russia’s anti-Semitic policies. On the other hand, many Jews were voting for Tammany, in hopes of electing a candidate who promised a clean government, legislation to improve working conditions, opposition to immigrant restrictions, and criticism of czarist Russia. For these reasons, Theodore Roosevelt’s progressivism gained support from Jewish Republicans. The Socialist party gained much popularity in the Jewish community with Morris Hilquit’s candidacy who advocated for material improvement and resented corruption and inequality. Although his candidacy fell short against Tammany and the Republicans, another socialist party candidate running from the Lower East Side, Meyer London won a seat in 1914. Many believed this was due to the understanding that socialism was actually “Judaism secularized.” Secularism became more important than orthodoxy evident through the impact urban life had on the declining centrality of religion among Jews. This mov was fueled by declining religious education and a short supply of rabbis.

A push away from strong religious values aligned well with the push away from cultural traits that Jews believed would be possible through schools. Even daughters were encouraged to attend for this reason. Educational attainment was a popular ideal in the Jewish community, but met with obstacles due to the lack of facilities and the fact that students had to leave school early in order to work.

Out of all the cultural practices remaining in the community, the Yiddish theater was the most popular. It provided its community with an escape from the poverty and drudgery they dealt with in their everyday lives, while showing its audience what their reality was. The subject matter of plays were commonly realistic and relatable including generational conflict, dealing with both secularism and religion, and balancing an ethnic identity. The Yiddish theater became a way of participating in the American life.

Italians, different from Jews, closely resembled groups in the old immigration due to their lack of urban-oriented skills. Italian men provided manual labor and were even appointed by workers to be strikebreakers. Labor contractors, known as the padroni, took a share of newcomers’ wages and in return helped the Italian find housing, jobs, and wrote letters for the illiterate immigrants. While they soon became less essential in the Italian immigration, they had gained opposition by native-born American who didn’t agree with contract labor, as it resembled slavery.

Italian communities, especially Harlem was plagued by crime. Sicilian immigration brought with it members of the Mafia. Sicilian criminals engaged in written threats, called “Black Hand”, demanding money for protecting businesses. While Black Hand threats were common, organized large-scale migration of the Mafia was not. Nonetheless, a separate Italian division was established in the police.

While at first Italians occupied unskilled construction jobs, they did see an upward path of occupational mobility. The amount of children of immigrants engaged in white collar work grew immensely and by the outset of World War I, they had become a significant portion of the emerging middle class. The city’s Little Italys consisted of bankers, newspaper editors, owners of large barber shops, and importers. Soon, they had access to better housing.

In terms of religion, the Italians faced opposition by the Irish hierarchy that existed in New York’s churches, who believed that that Italians were too lax, anti-clerical, and poorly trained. The Italians, on the other hand, didn’t trust churches in America. This distrust existed in their churches in Italy as well as they believed the hierarchical organization of the church was not responsive to their needs. To solve this problem between the Italians and the Irish, Archbishop Michael A. Corrigan and John Cardinal Farley requested more Italian priests and expanded parish activities in Italian neighborhoods.

To conclude, while the Jewish experience differed greatly from the Italian, the outbreak of World War I affected both populations similarly, stimulating the Americanization process. Over time, both groups like many immigrant groups would grow distant from their ethnic identities.

-K.A

When President Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation of proclamation in 1863, it brought with it the hopes of freedom, and rights for the numerous suffering at the whims and mercy of the white Americans. Although it banned slavery, it had barely touched upon the greater meaning of freedom. The face of a black man still garnered resentment and lack of humanity in the minds of many white Americans as they sought to dehumanize the African Americans. The lives of many people of color were far from suitable in the American South, despite housing ninety percent of the African American population. The lack of rights and an overwhelming slew of violent incidents drove many African Americans from their homes and sent them clamoring for a glimpse of freedom in the north.

Between 1910 and 1930, the black population of New York City experienced a significant boom as the pollution grew from around 91,000 to and overwhelming 327,000, making NYC the world’s largest black urban center. For the many black southerners searching for a new life without racial discrimination and poverty, Harlem became the epicenter of opportunity. It garnered the attention of many immigrants of color, seeking opportunities and a new chance at life. As W.E.B Du Bois dubbed Harlem the gathering point for the “Talented Tenth,” a generation of educated, self-educated and fiercely ambitious black men and women bent on making a better life for themselves. Harlem boasted many writers, artists and performers who sought to rebrand the image of black Americans to a “New Negro,” an independent and proud set of people, willing to fight against racism. This resurgence of a new fervor against racial discrimination gave way to the creation of new associations such as Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) and W.E.B Du Bois’s National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). While both Du Bois and Garvey sought to end racial discrimination and violence against African Americans, they held completely opposing views as to how they may bring about the needed change.

Marcus Garvey was a Jamaican printer who settled in Harlem in 1916 after living in South and Central America and London. He had dedicated his life to improving condition for the African Americans. His goal was to unite “all the Negro peoples of the world into one great body to establish a country and Government absolutely their own” (Jaffe 162). Being a compelling speaker, Garvey was able to establish the UNIA and in 1921, 121 of his key supporters signed a “Declaration of the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World,” declaring their reclaiming of the continent of Africa and appointing Marcus Garvey the “Provisional President of Africa.” Garvey’s true vision of freedom was for every African American to go back to Africa and live without the rule of the white man. He demanded that African Americans should “‘give up the vain desire of having a seat in the White House’ in exchange for governing ‘a country of our own’” (Jaffe 163). In order to gain funds for such a mass exodus, the UNIA decided to create their own shipping fleet, the Black Star Line. According to Garvey, the fleet would carry passengers and cargo in order to attain funds necessary for the departure back to Africa. Additionally, Garvey had become convinced of the notion that the Republic of Liberia in West Africa would be ideal for his African homeland. As WWI ended near the closer of the 1920, many of Garvey’s followers eagerly awaited the exodus after getting laid off their jobs and being desperately in need for help. However, their wait turned into a permeant stay as Garvey lost sight of his goals amidst rising rumors challenging his leadership and his movement. In 1922, Garvey met with Edward Clarke, a leader of the KKK and declared that America “is a white man’s country” (Jaffe 171). This enraged many of his followers as they lost faith in Garvey’s passion for change. Many viewed him too willing to accept segregation and injustice. Further adding to his diminishing popularity with his followers, Garvey was convicted and imprisoned for mail fraud in 1925. Although Garvey’s image faded from the minds of many of his followers, his message still resonated in the minds of many such as Malcolm X and several Black Power militants who garnered attention in the 1960s and 70s.

The NAACP became the symbol for opposition for the UNIA, led by W.E.B Du Bois, The NAACP’s publicity and research director, considered to the nation’s leading black intellectual. While Garvey had preached for separation from the white society and pushed for self-reliance, Du Bois urged African Americans to fight for the right that were due to them as citizens. Although NAACP consisted mostly of black Americans, it also boasted several white abolitionists and gained financial help from The American Fund for Public Service, established by a wealthy white leftist by the name of Charles Garland. The organization demanded very specific changes such as, “abolition of lunching… the Negro’s untrammeled right to the ballot… the abolishment of ‘Jim-Crow’ [railroad and street] cars; equal educational and industrial opportunities; and the abolition of all forms of enforced segregation” (Jaffe 168). Additionally, in contrast to Garvey’s agenda, NAACP used the legal system in order to get rid of racism. For example, in 1917, NAACP lawyers garnered a major victory as they gained the agreement of the US Supreme Court in the case of Buchanan v. Warley, establishing that that several laws across the country violated the 14^th amendment by barring black people from buying property in supposedly white neighborhoods. In 1913, NYS passed a law to end racial discrimination in “all public resorts, places of amusement, and public accommodations.” While many businesses refused to abide by the law, the NAACP fought back with lawsuits, forcing businesses to obey the law and end racial discrimination. As the UNIA had sunk along with Garvey, the NAACP had become the hope for many people of color across the nation. The Fifth Avenue headquarters of the NAACP became the hub for many black activists as they garnered the force for lawsuits and legal defenses to fight racial injustice.

One of the biggest influences of change during the Harlem Renaissance was NAACP’s publication The Crisis, edited and led by W.E.B Du Bois. Du Bois was the first African American PhD from Harvard University and served as the editor for The Crisis for nearly 25 year, giving him the opportunity to create a movement to end racial discrimination and bring an end to lynching. In order to bolster the notion of white supremacy in the American South, lynching had become the normal way to instill fear in the hearts of the black community. As Nicholas Lampert stated, “The Tuskegee Institute estimated that 4,742 people were lynched in the United States between 1882 and 1968” (122). This horrifically high number barely serves to scratch the surface of the numerous injustices committed against African Americans. Du Bois had sought to change the people’s acceptance and government’s willingness to turn a blind eye towards the inhumane crimes committed against African Americans. He stated, “From first to last I thought strongly, and I still think rightly, to make the opinion expressed in The Crisis a personal opinion” (Lampert 123). Du Bois established the publication as a platform for him to bring attention to the real issues and plight of African Americans.

While in 1910 the first issue sold 1,000 copies, in 1919, the circulation reached its peak at around 100,000 copies sold, garnering interest in the NAACP while bringing attention to the injustices plaguing the people of color. Du Bois used graphic images in order to help bring his point across. For example, he used a postcard with a photograph of lynch mob with a murdered African American, meant for inciting fear in the hearts of the black community, in order to bring to light the criminals and their horrific crimes. In defense of his aggressive and explicit message, he stated, “Can the nation otherwise awaken to the enormity of this beastly crime of crimes, this rape of law and decency?” (126). Readers of the publication were forced to think past the gruesome and aggressive nature of the photographs in order to move toward anger and collective action. Du Bois wanted to provoke the government into taking a serious action towards protecting all citizens, not on the whites. In 1916, Du Bois published an issue called “The Waco Horror” in response to the lynching of Jesse Washington, a seventeen- year- old mentally handicapped teenager who was killed in front of a crowd of 15,000 at City Hall Square in Waco, Texas. The issue outlines the horrific process of lynching as it contained seven images, chronologically leading the viewers through the graphically brutal murder of a young boy. The increasingly graphic nature of Du Bois’s issues in the publication garnered attention far and wide, awakening the nation towards the brutal murders of African Americans. In addition to his explicit and unapologetic issues in The Crisis, Du Bois had also started the tradition of unfurling of a black flag that read “a man was lynched yesterday” outside the NAACP offices’ window on Fifth Avenue. This forced the New York City public to accept the dire nature of racial injustices and the need for change.

In addition to abolitionist such as W.E.B Du Bois, many writers, poets and artists of different backgrounds used their platforms to preach the need to end racial discrimination. For example, Langston Hughes a black poet known for his colorful portrayals of black life in America from the twenties through the sixties, wrote the poem “Christ In Alabama”. The poem brought attention to the senseless and needless murders of African Americans across the nation, simply based on the color of their skin. He juxtaposed blacks with Jesus as he claimed that blacks were being murdered the way Jesus was persecuted for simply being different. Additionally, the famous jazz star Billie Holiday sang the song “Strange Fruit” in order to bring attention senseless lynching of black in the American South. These artists differed from the normal way of bringing attention to important topics. However, the used their platforms and the tools they hand in order to play their part towards bringing a necessary change for the African Americans.

-SQ

The face of New York City’s landscape was completely changed politically, geographically, economically and socially post world war one.

Once the war was declared and the United States had allied themselves against Germany, German immigrants were torn between supporting their home country or their new home. Choosing allegiance was difficult for immigrant families as they wanted to avoid criticism from White American citizens, but at the same time wanted to be patriotic towards their native land. Prominent German Americans such as George Sylvester Viereck, a poet, continuously defended Germany and raised funds for relief. After it was discovered that he was under Kaiser’s payroll, the poetry society of America revoked his membership. Soon after, Theodore Roosevelt declared all hyphenated Americans devote their loyalty to the American cause without hesitation. The Germans were generally known for their achievements in science, literature, etc. But the war tension made people look at them with suspicion, even the loyal Germans. To avoid scrutiny and hatred, famous German institutions such as The German Hospital and Dispensary became “Lenox Hill Hospital”. Furthermore, German- speaking churches switched to the English language.  Like the Germans, many other ethnic groups felt the pain of war and returned to fight for their native country. Jewish New Yorkers, who fled Russian Persecution were not eager to support Russia in the war. While most Americans encouraged the war, there were also many who opposed the cause. Jewish anarchists living in East Harlem printed circulars criticizing America’s intervention in the war. In August 1918, they were arrested under the sedition act and were deported to Russia. The Irish Americans were not in favor of America’s alignment with Britain as the British suppressed Dublin’s Easter Rebellion of 1916. They thanked Germany for supporting the cause of the Irish freedom.

The war greatly disrupted immigration to America from Europe. Before the war began, there were about 1.2 million immigrants. During the war, only 110,330 people arrived on American soil. Numbers began going back to normal after the war ended. However, Congress then passed the National Origins Act, which limited immigration from Southern and Eastern Europe. After the war, German influence had diminished. Many moved from Brooklyn and Queens to sections in Manhattan. This was made possible by the ever-expanding subway. Moreover, innovation was sparked and new laws enabled buildings with self-operating elevators to replace old walk up tenements. Queens and Bronx were changed to give way to garden apartments as getting to work was made easier by mass transportation. With new Schools and hospitals, almost everything was being constructed. Jacob Ruppert built Yankee Stadium right opposite Harlem, South Bronx. While most “ghetto” immigrant neighborhoods were mixed, East Harlem was taken over by the Jews and Italians. The Irish started moving to nicer neighborhoods and left the slums of lower Manhattan. Following the path of the upward moving Irish, the Jews traced their footsteps and migrated to the Bronx for a better way of life. Neighborhoods such as Fieldstone and Riverside in the Bronx were closed to the Jews because of anti-sematic laws. While the Italians weren’t as successful as the Jews, they started moving away from the congested mulberry blend.

Even though European migration was reduced following the war, the Black population drastically increased. In 1930, the Black population was about 327,706 people (4.7% of NYC’s population). A number of Blacks worked as domestic help in the homes of affluent white residents. Many Whites became anxious at the black influx into Harlem, “their neighborhood”. From Harlem emerged a new artistic output stressing a unique Black culture. Black people had to pay more for a three-bedroom apartment than White people had to- about eight dollars more per month. Incomes started to rise for the Germans and Irish post war. Germans moved into skilled laboring positions and the Irish were given jobs on the city’s payroll through politics. Irish women started gaining influence in teaching at schools. However, political power started shifting away from Tammany Hall and the Irish when Hyman Schorenstein became the first democratic Jewish district leader In Brownsville. After the war, Athletics were reformed too. Immigrants who weren’t allowed to participate before, played in the big leagues for baseball. While many Jewish and Italians lacked the facilities to improve their game, players like Hank Greenberg and Joe DiMaggio revolutionized the game and became idols to millions of immigrants. Most Jews made the big money and attained great fame through the sport of Boxing. Many Jews on the other hand sought out to become educated.

Through the city schools such as Hunter, Jewish women started to become recognized as teachers. But because of the anti-Semitism that occurred in New York City, schools such as NYU and Columbia restricted Jewish enrollment. A vast number of immigrants and their American offspring indulged in illegal activities to make ends meet. Quite a few of the Irish involved in politics started taking bribes. Also, the enactment of national prohibition opened the door for ethnic bootleggers. From Brownsville, came Murder Inc: A combination of Jewish and Italians who specialized in killing rival gang members. The roaring twenties did little for the Black community. They remained poor and discriminated against. After a lot of pressure, Edward Johnson became the first Black elected to New York State’s assembly. Blacks then started to move away from the Republican party to the Democratic party. Like the Black’s, Puerto Ricans in 1917 didn’t see much progress. They were employed largely in unskilled labor.

New York’s Asian population remained largely isolated from the ethnic groups. Chinatown was a bachelor society, with six men for every women. However, passing the area off as “opium dens” Chinatown became a tourist attraction. The Japanese generally settled in NYC in Brooklyn. They worked in the food service industry and others worked for the Japanese government. Indians who settled in NYC formed a Pan Aryan Association, which focused on ending British rule in the homeland. The Orthodox Jewish community was growing with the creation of Jewish day schools, yeshivas. New York City also received a lot of Ukrainians including about five thousand exiles from the communist revolution in the Soviet Union. New York City also inhabited the nation’s largest Greek population.

It’s evident that the war changed lives drastically for the immigrants in New York. For the Germans, Italians and Irish it was a period of prosperity where they moved into more refined neighborhoods. Jewish women were gaining importance out of the household. While it was a period of advancement it was also a time of turmoil for people of color as they were treated unfairly. The exclusion of specific people from high paying jobs and adequate housing really makes us contemplate the life lived in the 1900’s. It makes us feel that some are luckier than others being born into a certain religion or having a specific skin color. It’s scarring and still exists in some parts of “modern” New York today.

– A.S

Women have struggled for many years to have equal status in society to their counterparts. Many tactics were employed such as hunger strikes, marches, and pickets. Although women were mistreated because of these controversial actions, they persisted for their cause and remained active in the streets despite backlash. Women of color tried to collaborate with the white women for suffrage, but they were ignored and left behind in their efforts.

Woman suffragists used New York City as a platform to promote change in politics. For instance, Hornsby and Blair both took off from Staten Island in order to raise awareness about their cause. They were among the first women to take advantage of the political climate in New York City. In the late 19th century, a new term was coined in New York known as “New Women”. The spike in the literacy rates and careers available to middle and upper class women allowed them to take on a new role like never before in New York. Women felt empowered because of the education and achievements that they got in the workforce, and, as a result, created organizations for voting rights. Voting rights have been given to women in the western states, but not in the eastern states. Women of color were ignored in their efforts to help with the suffrage movements as a result of the white’s personal prejudice. The National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) became the first women’s organization to bring activism among women for suffrage. These women were inspired by the actions of the Woman’s Social and Political Union in England. Jaffe states, “In the nation’s largest, busiest, and most distracting city, suffragists had learned the first lesson of urban activism: Eye catching and ear catching street theater was a powerful tool– and a necessity— for winning the attention of the passing crowd” (147). Women who went out of their comfort zones and declared attention to raise awareness were seen as controversial in the early 1900’s. Men were offended by these brave women, showing hostility towards the pioneers’ uprisings. The suffrage spokeswomen used their own newspapers “to publicize their mistreatment thus making the point that they needed the vote to counterbalance the political power of such ‘low’ men” (Jaffe 148). The opposition among the men didn’t stop the women from leaving their mark on the movement. In 1915, women’s suffrage made its way onto the ballot in New York, which prompted thousands of marchers on the streets, one day strikes, and automobile parades on the streets of Manhattan. Although the referendum lost in 1915, activists continued fighting by carrying petitions and World War I banners. On November 6, 1917, the majority of male voters allowed New York to gain women’s suffrage. However, the women were still not pleased because they weren’t able to pass the Anthony Amendment. As a result of the NWP’s civil disobedience and “arrest and martyrdom”, they were able to achieve their goal of passing the 19th amendment in 1919.

The public called for women’s suffrage since 1848 with the Women’s Rights Convention in Seneca Falls. Around the end of the 1800’s, many of the western states such as Utah, Colorado, and Idaho passed suffrage laws while many others were unsuccessful. Alice Paul and Lucy Burns were the main women who were in charge of organizing a suffrage parade in Washington D.C the day before President WIlson’s inauguration. Lampert states, “The event would create a highly choreographed visual spectacle that foreshadowed how women would keep the issue of suffrage before Wilson throughout his presidency” (Lampert 112). The efforts of the white middle class women failed as men insulted them and ignored their demands. Yet, the women were able to raise awareness and gain media coverage because of their actions. In 1917, many middle class women picketed with banners in front of the White House and harrassed President Woodrow Wilson when he arrived in public. The NWP believed that President WIlson had the power to progress the passing of the 19th Amendment without resistance from the public. These acts of civil disobedience resulted in jail time since women were unwilling to pay fees because they were innocent. Women escalated their protests and “compared Wilson to the enemy, German Kaiser Wilhelm II” (Lampert 116). Women were fined with longer jail terms and were attacked as a result of their actions. Paul was definitely among the braver women who led a hunger strike and disobeyed all of the commands of the prison officers. This led to a public outcry, which caused more chaos in the Occoquan jail where hundreds of women were brutally attacked. President Wilson considered the idea of a federal amendment for women’s suffrage, but the Senate denied this with a filibuster. Finally in 1919, the states voted to ratify the 19th Amendment after all of the hard work and dedication of the women. The different tactics of picketing, hunger strikes, and marches led to an increase in coverage and awareness among the public. Women persevered in the cause for their own freedom to vote and were steadfast in the many approaches that they took to succeed against the President and other important men in society.

The struggle for women’s rights, lead by Susan B Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, has been one of the most influential movements in history that continues to inspire us today. The most important thing that Brent Staples notes is that the reality of the racism that existed during that time period was hidden by Stanton from others in the fight for women’s suffrage.  African-American women didn’t really have a voice in the suffrage movement, due to leaders bowing to white supremacists’ pressure and general bigotry. “Black feminists in particular were enthusiastic to see if these remembrances own up to the real history of the fight for the vote — and whether black suffragists appear in them”(Staples). African American women were eager to advance the women’s suffrage movement to pass the 19th amendment, but their efforts were disregarded by the white women. Douglass, an African American man, made a significant contribution to the passing of the amendment that would’ve failed otherwise. Both white women and black women had different incentive for the right to vote. White women wanted to be equal to their husbands and sons, while black women wanted to feel entitled after the Emancipation Proclamation. Staples also mentions the mentality of white women who believed that “white woman would be degraded if Negro men preceded them into the franchise”. This quote emphasizes the nature of the argument that the whites thought of themselves as superior compared to other races. Although African American were also women who were fighting for the same right to vote, they were most ironically discriminated against for their color amongst white women. Even though the 19th Amendment was passed and was celebrated among white suffragists, African Americans experienced high levels of fraud and intimidation when they went to vote. African Americans were officially given the right to vote through the Voting Rights Act of 1965 half a century later. These hidden thoughts were out of the public’s eye and everyone congratulated the “white” women’s right to vote unknowing what happened to the African Americans. History tends to sublimate wrongdoings of the majority to exhibit the victories of the nation as a whole.

Jaffe and Lampert both characterize the women’s suffrage movement as a collective effort of all women. They highlight the marches, jail time, and activism that women struggled through in order for men to perceive them as equal. Men were against the unladylike actions that women were seen portraying in the 1900s. Jaffe tends to mention the beginnings of the suffrage movement and how women were able to raise awareness of the suffrage movement for women. Lampert emphasizes the specific actions of civil disobedience that women took to get legislation passed. He portrays the extreme measures that women went through for their equal voting rights. Lampert and Jaffe rarely mentioned the women of color who also tried to progress the issue of women’s rights. While Staples portrays the women’s suffrage as a phenomenal movement, he presents the concealed secrets that aren’t examined while discussing the women’s suffrage movement. He mentions the degradation of African American women and the elite mentality that the white women had. They were unwilling to accept the women of color into the marches and protests for the women’s suffrage movement. Two of the readings intertwine the notion of women fighting for their rights, while the other exposes the harsh reality that was unspoken in that time period.

We have discussed the white men having all of the power and advantages throughout history. Women had been domesticated and were unable to reach the same achievements as men. The women’s suffrage movement was a change from the status quo on the part of women. They worked for equal rights, as we know it. History tends to “forget” to acknowledge the colored women who were barred from showing their activism. As a result, white women were the only ones who achieved the right to vote from the 19th Amendment.  

Anisha Bhuiyan

“No arts; no letters; no society; and which is worst of all, continual fear and danger of violent death; and the life of man solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.” This comes from the state of nature of Thomas Hobbes, who used it to describe the natural condition of mankind and the primitive society before there is a government, but he may never anticipate that it would happen in the twentieth century New York.  The Chapter 8 of Activist New York by Steven Jaffe introduces us the harsh living conditions of the women at that time and the intense social, family and even survival pressure of women have reached an unprecedented level. This is the exploitation of the capitalist and the lack of protection from the government deteriorated the situation. As highlighted by “Immigrant Women and Work” by Nancy Foner, the upheaval is inevitable since the pressure on female immigrants were suffering in such an inhumane way, just like the state of nature.

For the immigrant women, working and taking care of family is their way of showing value in the society and inside the family. As described by Nancy Foner, over 40% of the family income was contributed by the working female immigrants in the factories, at the cost of working at least fourteen hours a day with an extremely low wage. “They worked in hundreds of garment-making factory lofts, often for as little as three dollars for a 56- or 58-hour work week”(Jaffe 124). They did this for their family because they need to support their family to survive, not thrive in New York City. Socially, that was already the lower limit of their life in this city: they came here with no possessions and no land. Working in factories or at home was the only way to create income and maintain survival. This revealed the tragic fact: they have no way back except being exploited. Because of the competition of the factories and also the excessive supply of labor force, they only could receive the extremely low income and extremely poor working condition, which also increased their degree of suffering. “Fourteen hours you sit on a chair, often without a back, felling coats”(Foner 113). Meanwhile, the local government did not see this as severe issues because it would not affect the well-being of New York City and the people other than immigrants. On the other hand, the exploitation of the immigrants would continue benefitting the capitalists and landlords in the city, making the government less likely to protect the rights of immigrants.

Immigrant women in the family were having the same level of exploitation. They had to take care of the children and the household while making home products to earn money to support the family. “In addition, the poor living conditions and diseases were not providing a good environment for the women to work effectively. The contributions of women did not bring them to rise in the family status; they were still facing an imbalance status inside the family, which means the women had to face the pressure from husband or brothers. “Women were excluded from seats of power in the community and from positions in the religious sphere.”(Foner 116) Pressure from triple ways was added to women. In this situation, survival is the chief task in the family. As the lowest level in the family’s hierarchy, women were expected to suffer more than men did.

As the inhumane suffering went on, women’s opposition started to grow. 20,000 young garment workers picketed hundreds of shops in 1909. That means they were getting to be aware of the power of the group and started to establish trade union among themselves. “Many of these allies belonged to the Women’s Trade Union League …and working-class women in efforts to unionize female workers and to win the vote for women”(Jaffe 126). That means women, as one of the most important while also the most marginalized group since the patriarchal society, started to raise their power and gain independence after the severe sufferings. The settlement reached in February 1910 was the temporary victory of female workers and was the transition of this group from an outsider of the country to the activists in the development of the city. After that, the group expanded its influence from New York City to the whole country. The National Labor Relations Act, known as the Wagner Act, brings the vision of resistance for the working class over decades.

Although in the early times the female immigrant workers suffered greatly from the poor living and working environments and various social, economic and family pressure. The spirit of resistance made them fight for their rights altogether, which later became a power of activism in New York City. It was not only a victory for women, but it was also the success of the activist in New York City.

-Z.L

We, as a society, have become greatly accustomed to the idea of anyone working  40 hours a week from 9AM-5PM, on Mondays through Fridays. We are so used to this concept that the struggles which were faced in order to reach this norm are regularly overlooked and forgotten. Just a little over one hundred years ago, the people of the labor force in New York, specifically in the garment industry, were working 56-58 hours per week while being compensated with a little over three dollars for their labor. At the time, New York City was the largest industrial city in the country and garment production was its largest manufacturing business. Due to this, thousands of people, mostly immigrants, were affected by the crazy hours and subpar pay that they were receiving and these issues are highlighted in Chapter 8 of Activist New York by Steven Jaffe as well as “Immigrant Women and Work” by Nancy Foner.

In order to understand how and why this situation was reached, it’s important to understand the people that were working and facing these circumstances and how they got to America. In a clearly organized and informative piece, Nancy Foner is able to describe the lives of immigrant, specifically Italian and Jewish, mothers and daughters in “Immigrant Women and Work”. At first the immigrants were mostly men and as they became more established and had enough money, they brought over working-aged kids followed by the mothers/wives and young children. Many Jewish girls worked in the garment factories (Foner 111). They mainly worked outside of the house to support their families to ensure for food and a roof over their heads. Almost all of the girls income went straight into covering house expenses, while boys were given some financial independence with how they spent their money. Additionally, it was normal for boys to receive higher educations that were funded by the salaries of their sisters.

In 1910 regulations were put into place to limit the amount of hours that people had to work, however most of the girls took on over time because they were afraid of getting fired if they didn’t work extra shifts. These extra hours also helped cover expenses for their homes. In addition to barely receiving wages, these girls were fined for any mistakes they made while on the job and they also had to pay for chairs and lockers. Along with unfair pay and long hours, the working conditions of the companies were dire and unsafe. Although life was bleak filled with working at factories as well as home, there were some benefits for working girls. They were able to socialize and make friends which enable them to express their thoughts in a new environment. They were exposed to many more ideas and different people compared to what was found in the four walls of their homes. Also the freedom to work outside of the house gave many girls the freedom and liberation to choose their spouses.

Compared to immigrant daughters, the lives of immigrant mothers were vastly different. Most didn’t work and stayed at home doing domestic work. For Jewish women, this was a distinct lifestyle compared to the lives that they lead back home as many eastern- European Jewish women were involved in business and acted as the breadwinner of the family. In the US, married women making money was seen as a result of financial trouble within the family, and not as a respectable choice. During the early years of immigration, women that wanted to work would do so from home by making things or help run their shops. As an additional source of income, Jewish families would house boarders so the women would cook and clean for them which could count as working. Immigrant, married, Italian women also faced a similar reality to the Jewish mothers. However, it was more common for an Italian women to go outside and work in a factory to help support the family because their husbands would generally earn less money than the Jewish men.  The reason behind the difference why it was less acceptable for a women to work in NY is because the housework here was more taxing and difficult. Back home, people would have their own parents to help and raise their kids however this was a big thing that was missing in American life. In addition, “housework was generally more demanding in America” (Foner 119). The use of sheets and fabric was a new concept and they needed to be washed and aired on a weekly basis.

Similar to their daughters, immigrant mothers would often socialize with friends. They would also hold the power to purchase what was needed for the house from the income of their children and husband. On the other hand, due to the the fact that they were mostly always at home, Jewish and Italian mothers rarely learned English or other American customs. Although they socialized with friends in the area, they felt a lack of community in America, compared to back home.

Most of the workforce in the garment industry consisted of the immigrant daughters. In order to try and combat the horrible working conditions, unions were formed that gave the group of workers (who had no authority) power in numbers; a practice that employers were against. Through the use of strikes, boycotting, as well as picketing, women across New York were able to demand change. One of the people who first insisted for a strike was Clara Lemlich, a garment worker who was forced to work unbelievable hours in dangerous condition with barely any pay along with 20,000 other people. These practices were not welcomed with open arms and in fact,  “Employers hired prostitutes and male criminals to provoke and rough up picketers” (Jaffe 126). Employers believed that they were the only ones who had the rights to determine the wages for their employees. Surprisingly, the employers themselves did not make much more money than the immigrants that they were hiring. Due to this, there was an increase in competition for profit for themselves which meant more pressure on the workers.

One of the most unexpected results of these acts of defiance were how women of all classes joined alongside the workers. This went to show how this wasn’t just a call for better working conditions, rather a call for better treatment of women in the workplace all together. The union members were tactful and were able to get much needed publicity from the press using techniques from the women’s suffrage movement. The first win from all of this occurred in Feb. 1910 where the workers, “won higher wages and shorter hours in 320 hops, most of which recognized the union” (Jaffe 127). In addition, over the next four years the unions grew from 30,000 to 250,000. These actions also inspired male dominated unions which lead to the “Protocol of Peace”, a compromise introduced by Louis Brandeis, a Boston lawyer. The goal of this collaborative effort was to bring justice and order to the garment industry. This was a bit idealistic as many of the owners went back on their words or never accepted the terms to begin with. This was also mirrored with the working women that had striked in 1909 since when the contracts had expired, the owners went back to their old ways.

One of the most life-changing events that occured during this time period was the fire at the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory. On March 25, 1911 a fire started in the company’s workshop on the eighth floor of the building in Greenwich Village. There were mostly immigrant women working on the floor who were trapped. Under a half hour 146 people were dead. The irony was that these women had asked for more sanitary and safer conditions and due to them not being granted, these people had died. This became an example for the “progressive-labor coalition” and they were supported by the 1911 Tammany Hall. This event also propelled labor laws and regulations towards better safety, hours, and working conditions.

Both of these texts together were able to fully encompass what life was like as a working woman in the early 20th century. Foner was able to provide insight about the personal and home life of these immigrant women, especially focusing on how they integrated into American society. On the other hand, Jaffe highlighted more of the history and the way that the treatment of women in the workplace evolved over time. Together these pieces of literature are able to show how far we have come today as well as how the power in the voices of the people has remained constant throughout history. It also should make us feel more grateful for all the opportunities and rights that we now have-rights that people once had to fight until death for.

-Rida Rasheed