In “Immigration to Queens” the author Michael Jones-Correa discusses the concept of community and how it can be distinguished from other areas. From what I can tell, the author believes that immigrants and older residents live in separate communities because of cultural differences. He generalizes the older residents as “white ethnics” and describes their reaction to the influx of new immigrants in a largely negative light. His conclusion in this reading leaves me with the impression that the immigrants and “white ethnics” lead completely separate lives with rare overlaps and interactions because of the “white ethnics” unwillingness to accept the culture and language of the immigrants.

However, the writings of Ines Miyares, Milgaros Ricourt and Ruby Danto describe the lives of older residents and new immigrants overlapping and coexisting. This is a perspective I more strongly agree with. Though they do explain how within the neighborhood, even amongst immigrants, there is a sense of separation and aloofness from other ethnicities and groups. But it is not as extreme as how Jones-Correa describes it. In Miyares’ writing, she describes this overlapping seen in Churches and organizations in Jackson Heights that provide translations in various languages because of the many ethnicities that utilize these institutions. In the writings by Ricourt and Danto, they describe the conflicts between long-time Italian residents and the more recent Hispanic immigrants. Though these are conflicts, the fact that there are interracial conflicts demonstrates how the supposedly separate communities and people do in fact overlap with each other.

I believe that though the lives of new immigrants and long-time residents may differ, they are not completely separate. They coexist surprisingly well despite having drastically different cultures and values. The tendency for people who share similar values or cultures to congregate is natural, but they do not completely detach themselves from others.

“Intimate Strangers: Immigration to Queens” discusses a fascinating and puzzling paradox: while the borough of Queens is home to one of the most diverse immigrant population in the world, people rarely encounter and deal with a diversity of people within their personal lives. In other words, while a wide diversity of people occupy each other’s physical space, they do not occupy each other’s social space. The authors, Jones and Correa address immediately categorize this paradox as both widespread . In my opinion, this label is at best incomplete and at worst incorrect.

First off, both as a life long Queens resident and an objective reader, I can’t help but completely disagree with the authors’ assertion that the different ethnic populations of Queens do not interact with each other. The main problem with this argument is that the authors conflate geographical proximity with social proximity. They say that because ethnic groups live in distinct areas they do not interact socially with other ethnic groups. This idea is logically flawed. People’s social lives do not have to center around their homes, especially in an ever shrinking and technological world. Just because a person might live in a predominantly Afro-Caribbean area that does not mean that all the people they encounter in their workplace and social zones are Afro-Caribbean. Choice of residence can reflect a variety of cultural factors: dietary restrictions/ preferences, access to religious institutions, etc., but place of residence is by no means a fool proof indicator of the diversity of one’s social connections and preferences. Can geographic proximity predict social proximity? Possibly yes. But in this paper the authors do not make sufficient efforts  to clarify the connection between residence and social ties.

I do, however, find the authors proposal to initiate inter ethnic group contact and community involvement very interesting and effective. While at first it seemed strange that a groups  of strangers should be compelled to get to know each other seemed strange, it makes sense. The city is a big place, and its definitely possible to lose oneself within a small and limited group. The beauty of cities is that they connect not just people, but peoples ideas. If we want our city to succeed we need to create a nurturing environment for intellectual cross fertilization, and this starts by connecting people with one another.

For me, it is difficult to describe New York City is few words because there are just so many various characteristics that distinguish New York City from other major cities in the United States. In the first paragraph of the “Intimate Strangers: Immigration to Queens”, the authors use the elevated number 7 train to paint a picture of how diverse New York City actually is. I have taken the 7 trains multiple times but I never thought that the ride from Times Square to Flushing could actually depict the city as if it were “in transition”. The article notes such interesting details about a mere train route. From times square (a major commercial district), the 7 train goes through Northwestern Queens (the home to a large Central American, South American and Asian populations) and it finally ends in Flushing (a thriving immigrant enclave).

The article also points out that despite a decline in factory jobs (contributing to an increase in unemployment rate), the rate of immigration into NYC still increased because many immigrants were “swept” into low skilled labor. This influx of immigrants contributed to “white flight” and does not only occur when Latinos moved into Jackson Heights. As we have seen before, an increase in Asian immigration in Flushing also contributed greatly to the “white flight” in the region, thus proving that “white flight” generally occurs whenever minorities establish a significant foothold in a neighborhood.

Also, the conflict between the white residents and immigrants (in general) is not fairly new either. This brings up the question: should immigrants try harder to assimilate or should the native residents be accepting of the immigrants’ ways? In the article, the white residents of Jackson Heights associated large immigrant populations with increased in criminal activity and an increased detachment from their original community/neighborhood. Many white residents want these immigrants to behave in an “acceptable” manner, although different groups may consider different things to be acceptable. For example, the article states that the playing of loud music is common in Latino culture however, to white residents, this is not “acceptable”. This continuous tug of war between immigrants and native residents still continues today, as various ethnic groups are moving into largely white neighborhoods, thereby changing the racial and cultural demographics of the area. In the end of the article, the authors consider the lifestyles of the Latino and White residents to be to be “parallel” to one another even though they all share the same spatial area. Although there is some disagreement between the groups due to their differences, it is still very remarkable to see how these communities coexist in a relatively peaceful manner  and contribute to the Jackson Heights’ diversity.

In Introduction: The Emergence of Latino Panthecity the authors Milagros Ricourt and Ruby Dante discuss the various factors that encourage Latinos to unite under a common identity. The authors state that one of primary reasons that leads to Latino panathecity is the sharing of a common culture and language, a characteristic that sets Latin Americans apart from other ethnic groups.

Being a Latin American woman myself, I can relate to this article. One of the things that I find most fascinating about my ethnicity is the ability to relate to so many other Hispanics, even Hispanics that are not from my country. Sure, each Hispanic carries ties to their own country, a sense of pride that they carry within themselves, an urge to represent their country here in the United States. A tie to their country that the reading calls “trasnationalism”. However, each of us still carries that separate identity of being Costa Rican or Colombian or Dominican etc. and Latin American.  I often feel that this is overlooked by some people. While each of us speaks the same language and has faced similar types of discimination in the past, we each come from countries that have different slang, different politics, different accents and different histories.

However, despite this pride that we have of our country we each still share what the reading calls “simpatia”, a recognition of ourselves in others. I feel that this “simpatia” is made even stronger in here in America. For example, I know for a fact that in Costa Rica if a Costa Rican were to meet a Colombian immigrant for example, that same “joy” of meeting someone Hispanic will not be as present. On the other hand, in the United States, with its great diversity, meeting another Hispanic from a different country would instantly provide a feeling of bonding. Even if the Hispanic is from another country, we know that in this sea of so many people of different cultures, this Hispanic has a culture that is very similar to ours.

         Coincidentally before writing my Latino Urbanism paper, I was watching an annual music award show on tv called “Premio Lo Nuestro”. While watching this award show, I was thinking how amazing it is that in the audience of the show, and among all the Hispanic celebrities, there were people from completely distinct countries. However, they were all united to celebrate one common thing: how far the Latin American music has managed to make an impact in the United States. However, I feel that Hispanics still have a lot of work to do to overcome the various stereotypes that people place on them. The stereotypes that Hispanics will always work at low-paying jobs, never actually progressing and obtaining higher degrees of education. To be honest, I feel that some of these beliefs are right. While there are the occasional Hispanics that rise above these limitations, the majority are far behind and something must be done about this issue. Sure there are some factors that prevent Hispanics from progressing, factors such as the economy that are not under their control. But when it comes to making the effort to assimilate into the country and learn the language, as well making the effort to teach their children the importance of an education and performing well academically, those are factors that are completely in control of the Hispanic individual. I believe that the government should so what they can to help Hispanics succeed in the United States but I also believe that Hispanics should take advantage of all the opportunities they have before them.

Furthermore in the reading Intimate Strangers: Immigration to Queens by Michael Jones-Correa, the author elaborates on many of the issues the prevents the integration of Hispanics and people of other cultures, mainly Europeans. The authors states that that Hispanics and Whites have differing perception of what comprises a community. To Hispanics, a community is in their memory, a shared sense of home that is combines elements of their homeland and their new neighborhoods in America. To a European, a community is based on physical borders such as streets or familiar landmarks in the neighborhood. An issues that stems from this discrepancy in perceptions is the tendency of Whites to push Hispanics to the “margins” of the neighborhood, and thereafter avoiding those borders because of the association they have of Hispanics with violence, drugs and prostitution. Eventually, many of these Whites decide to leave these communities to live in places that have a lower concentration of Hispanics. It is vital to research these issues today in order to understand not only the future demography of our city but also to  facilitate Latinos in integrating into our communities and society so they can benefit themselves and our country.

Latinos, as well as Asians, are an increasing population in New York City. Many of these new and recent immigrants have been settling in Queens and Brooklyn, with a few exceptions in Washington Heights and lower Manhattan. Most notably, the Latino community has been growing rapidly in Corona and in Jackson Heights. Unlike the immigrants before them, who had filled manufacturing jobs and other blue-collar jobs, these immigrants are taking jobs that are primarily “low-skilled…low paying…” (Jones-Correa 19)

Based on some of the former readings, there is an understanding that most of New York City was originally white; this population has reportedly been on the decline as more minorities are moving in and settling in white neighborhoods. Amongst this immigrant wave are Latinos. For this week, the readings focused on Corona and Jackson Heights. Here is where two articles disagree with one another; whereas Miyares states that Jackson Heights has been increasingly diverse, Jones-Correa states that there is a strong Latino community there. Either way, the growing numbers contribute to Queens’ diversity.

As previously proven with the influx of Chinese immigrants who settled in previously suburban Flushing, white residents will only go so far to tolerate new immigrants. Likewise, there was also a backlash against immigrants moving to Corona and Jackson Heights. In one situation, a neighbor complained that the Latinos didn’t speak English. “They never consider this their home…these kids, they are talking…in Spanish and they were born here.” (Jones-Correa 27-28) This has been a reoccurring theme in the articles and in class: immigrants who refuse to learn and speak English. In another article by Ricourt & Dante, a particular situation had a group of young Italians in Corona use violence against the Latinos.

What seems to be the issue that affects both the Chinese and Latino community is that they are simply not “good guests.” This goes back to the metaphor used in Jones-Correa’s article. The initial residents (hosts) will allow foreigners (guests) into their midsts, because they believe that the guests have had a hard life before their arrival. Yet, the hosts will expect that the guests will learn the rules and toe the line. Immigrants in the 19th and early 20th century struggled to adapt to their new homes: willingly dropping their last names to new “American ones” and forsaking their cultures to become an “American.” That does not seem to be the case for these new immigrants, who instead of “assimilating,” (as that word is so often thrown around) choose to live in enclaves with people who are similar to them in ethnicity and culture and do not live by the rules. These immigrants, therefore, ignore the rules. As a result, they must “pay the price.”

Miyares’ “From Exclusionary Covenant to Ethnic Hyperdiversity in Jackson Heights, Queens” chronicles the transformation of Jackson Heights from its pre-Great Depression days to the place it is today. Originally, the area was intended for an elite, white suburban community for the upper-middle and middle class. Even the name “Heights” promoted it as a place that exuded prestige and that had an elevated ambience as Edward MacDougall envisioned. It was initially the “first garden apartment community,” characterized by its private gardens; its financial plan of the co-op was reminiscent of the more upscale co-ops on Fifth Avenue. Despite MacDougall’s clear vision, Jackson Heights soon transformed in a way that he would never have expected. It became clear that what happened was completely out of his control and there could have been no way for him to determine Jackson Heights’ future.

The metamorphosis from being a homogenous, upper crust neighborhood to a diverse, bustling one resulted from the Stock Crash in 1929. The people could no longer afford to live there, and consequently vacancies and price cuts ensued. Those living arrangement changes, combined with eased immigration restriction policies and the availability of transportation, resulted in an influx of new dwellers in this particular area. Large multi story apartments and two story row homes, originally intended for the wealthy were subsequently divided, yet were still spacious enough for the new households. The leisurely aspect soon disappeared as the heterogeneous population took over.

As a result of the deluge of immigrants, Jackson Heights became marked by its immense diversity. Queens has the highest percentage of diversity out of all the New York boroughs, but there is an even higher percentage specifically within the area of Jackson Heights. Other areas experienced ethnic and racial change as a result of waves of immigrants, but only Jackson Heights maintained the distinction of being the only hyperdiverse neighborhood with no dominant cultural group or language.

The part of Jackson Heights that epitomizes the neighborhood’s essence is Roosevelt Avenue. Having never been to Jackson Heights, I can only imagine this place; I imagine that it is a microcosm of the world, a small land segment in which all cultures are represented. The shops are, among others, Indian, Korean and Latino. I find it ironic that a place that was intended to be exclusive now bursts at the seams with cultural diversity.

An important point the author wishes to make is that it is beyond the control of any human to determine what the future of a place will be. MacDougall envisioned Jackson Heights as a suburban neighborhood for the wealthier whites, but evolution uprooted this plan in favor of enabling it to become a place that welcomes all different immigrants.

Michael Jones-Correa published “Intimate Strangers: Immigration to Queens” in his book Between Two Nations: The Political Predicament of Latinos in New York City in 1998, but today you can still note many of the same truths that he wrote about 15 years ago. Northwestern Queens still attracts thousands of new immigrants every year from all over the world, especially Asians and Hispanics. His opening description of people on the 7 train sounds like it could have been written yesterday.

In my hometown, Elmhurst, I see the same pattern of immigrants on top of immigrants on top of immigrants. On my block alone, that I know of, there are people of Irish, Chinese, Korean, Argentinian, Italian, Ecuadorian, Mexican, African-American, Polish, Filipino, and Japanese heritage. I listen as all of these people work to learn English, and I watch as their children become more and more a part of a world that they will never fully belong to. I have all of these neighbors, all of us so close to one another, but our neighborhood is pretty much the only thing that we all share. This raises the question: how truthful is the geographic idea of a community?

Jones-Correa offers two opposing views of what “community” means by focusing on Jackson Heights. To the older white residents, who he calls “white ethnics,” communities are well-defined areas enclosed by recognized borders. They assign certain characteristics and values to each neighborhood.

To Hispanic immigrants, community refers to the social community shared between them. Even though they come from different countries, they bond through their shared language and experiences. To them, the borders between neighborhoods are not so important.

Jones-Correa cites Roosevelt Ave. as a recognized border between Jackson Heights and Elmhurst. This street, which runs under the 7 line, is a highly concentrated strip of Hispanic stores and restaurants. He writes that the entire reason that this street developed the way it did was because the white ethnics pushed the new immigrants to the edges of town, and they avoided it because they associated it with crime.

Since then, Roosevelt Ave. has commercialized somewhat, and is not regarded as being so “dirty” as it used to be. It is still a main street in the area for Hispanics merchants and businesses. The concentration of Hispanics along this street eventually pushed into the rest of Elmhurst and Jackson Heights as more and more white people left. In Jackson Heights, they now make up the plurality of the population.

The year after Jones-Correa’s book was published, a section of Jackson Heights was granted historical status. In this chapter, he wrote about how it was an attempt for the whites to hold onto some power over land usage. The next year, they succeeded. How successful was this move, however? Though the buildings granted historical status are typically controlled by whites, Hispanics have moved further into all other parts of the neighborhood and their numbers are still on the rise.

Overall, I believe that some of the tension between the white ethnics and Hispanics has calmed. It may either be that there are too few whites left to protest, or that they recognize that they are outnumbered, but within the past 15 years, the Hispanic push into Jackson Heights has been relentless and mostly uncontested. This has been true of the region for several decades now, and the dynamics we see in these neighborhoods are changing everyday. At the same time, we can recognize this as the normal story of Queens, the immigrant’s landing spot. Some things just don’t change.

Michael Jones-Correa’s “Intimate Strangers: Immigration to Queens,” discusses the dichotomy between white ethnics and Latin Americans in Jackson Heights, Queens. Jones-Correra makes several points differentiating the mentalities and following actions of the disparate groups, but one specific point took hold of my attention: the idea of “community.”

The white ethics of Jackson Heights viewed community as a “neighborhood..with its boundaries…that are forever fixed, even as they feel ‘their’ neighborhoods changing.” The inhabitants of a true community personally know each other and interact on a regular basis. Further, the white ethics of Jackson Heights view community as an enclosure of space; they regard the “physical structure of the neighborhood…as the community.”

Latin-Americans, on the contrary, hold a different view of what a community encompasses. Jones-Correa uses the term “geography of memory” to explain the Latino’s relationship with the space in which they reside. It is almost as if Latin Americans have dual identities; one part of their identity resides in the community of their home countries, while another resides in the U.S. Simultaneously, it is their memory of the geography back home that shapes their experience of community in the U.S. Therefore, the identity of the Latin American is not inextricably linked to tangible space.

The two different definitions of “community” set out by the white ethics and Latin Americans of Jackson Heights prompted me to think about my own community, and, more specifically, my family. My parents are both immigrants, my mother from Guyana and my father from Turkey. We reside in College Point, Queens, which is not similar to Jackson Heights in terms of Latin American ethnic concentration. College Point, in the past few years, has increasingly become populated with Asian Americans, so my family is an outlier of sorts in the community in which we have lived in for nearly twenty years. Personally, I can relate to the Latin-American’s view of “community.” My parents have brought with them, from their home countries, ideas of their own communities. We cook food from both cultures, and shop at grocery stores that carry our specific brand of Chai   tea that isn’t available in any of the mainstream American grocery stores, or the recently opened Korean Supermarket that’s a five minute drive away. My family’s sense of community lies largely in where our culture is–be it Richmond Hill or Astoria; it is in these two areas that Guyanese and Turkish culture are largely concentrated in. Simply residing in an area (geography) does not create a sense of community, especially if there are not people of similar descent nearby. “Community,” to me, is where one’s culture is.