Remaking and Renovating Queens

One of the most recent and visible problems to arise in the past few years is the use of space in Queens, specifically Flushing. Flushing in particular, has seen a giant boom in real estate: as more and more immigrants arrive and settle in Flushing, space becomes limited. Housing and rent prices increase. The need for space becomes a competition.

Some of the few spaces left in Queens that are public and free include Flushing-Meadows Park and the Waterfront. The Waterfront is visually unpleasant; it’s fenced in and surrounded by marshes as well as weeds. Multiple groups are proposing to extend and develop in that area. Retail stores and offices are also planning to move into the area, dubbed “Flushing Commons.” Meanwhile, Flushing-Meadows Park is a place with plenty of open space. Many people: residents and otherwise, report that they spend their free time there, and others report that they’ve seen people, mostly immigrants, playing ball there. The Park is also home to places like the Queens Museum of Art, Shea Stadium, and the New York Hall of Science, as well as other institutions.

This proposal-or rather, these development proposals, have received very mixed reviews. On one hand, for Flushing-Meadows Park, it allows large corporations and big businesses to have a place and a foothold in Queens. On the other hand, these proposals mean less parking and an even more crowded Flushing. Imagine these people, after having shopped or seen a game, wander into Flushing right during rush hour. As for the Waterfront, the area has already started developing. There are very large condos located right there, yet, as Queens College’s Urban Studies report found, it is a huge contrast to the government housing also located on the waterfront.

In attempting to redefine Queens by renovating and remaking two large areas, the city and large businesses are determined to make Queens visually appealing. It would ideally provide plenty of jobs and cash flow into surrounding neighborhoods. What both don’t seem to realize is that the process towards making something “nice” actually harms a lot of small businesses and residents, and the end result? It may or may not be so nice, unfortunately.

Organized Immigrants

Immigrants in post 9/11 America have had a rough time gaining proper treatment from their employers. According to Ness 2005, today’s incoming immigrants are more likely to organize and protest than their native-born counterparts. This remains problematic since they are viewed as “illegals” who are a threat to the nation. These workers are absolutely necessary to the profitability of U.S. businesses because immigrants work in occupations that are not attractive to native-born workers. Yet, they are being paid lower wages despite working harder and longer hours. This is the core of why they feel the need to organize against business owners. However, not all immigrants speak up when they are mistreated by their employers. Most immigrants actually don’t even know the existing wage and hour laws, and they’re afraid that speaking up would cause them their jobs or get them reported to the immigration authorities.

I believe that more needs to be done in order to prevent immigrants from being mistreated. As far as I know, immigrants are human-beings too and they deserved to be treated that way. That means being paid a decent wage that they can actually live off of, and not having to constantly live in fear of being deported. Labor Unions aren’t the solution either, because often times they have their own separate agenda. Post 9/11 America needs to learn to be more open and tolerant of immigrants regardless of where they’re from and I think the author of this reading (Ness 2005) could completely agree that there must be a better solution to all this.

Immigrant Entrepreneurism

Immigrants have greatly contributed to the increase of entrepreneurship and business ventures in New York.  Bowles describes the increase in new businesses as due to the new wave of immigrants in the past two decades.  Immigrant entrepreneurs have grown into a more important part of the city’s economy as they contributed more and more to the economy’s growth.  So much so, that foreign-born entrepreneurs have greatly outnumbered native-born entrepreneurs, creating jobs and opportunities for work for their community members.  It is interesting that more immigrants were helping and providing job opportunities to the people of their community, even though they are not originally from there.  The fact that they contribute more than native-born citizens shows how integral they have become to the culture of New York City.  Although most immigrants may tend to open businesses that appeal to people of their nationality, they do not exclude the needs and assistance of other cultures.  They also provide opportunities to those like themselves as well as natives.  As much as immigrant businesses have helped New York City’s economy, most do not have the chance to advance to the next level.  Bowles proves this by stating that minority owned businesses in New York made less than minority owned businesses in other states.  Hispanic businesses in New York made 37 percent as much as those in Houston, 40 percent of those in Chicago, and 42 percent in Miami.  The city’s Asain-owned businesses made less than their counterparts in 13 cities with the highest amount of Asain-owned businesses.  This shows that even with the contributions immigrant business owners make, they are still affected by the setbacks that come with being an immigrant.  For example, a native born business owner can take their businesses to another level because they learn and understand the rules and procedures of expanding.  However, it may take longer to understand how to do this for immigrants who do no have the level of education needed or suffer from not being able to understand English as well as native-born Americans.

Labor Markets

In Why Immigrants Organize by Immanuel Ness, the author talks about the various strikes that immigrants organized in order to fight for their natural rights that they have been denied. Unlike non-immigrants, many immigrants must endure below minimum wages, poor working conditions and no benefits. Many of these immigrants are too afraid to immediately start fighting for their rights on an individual basis. By coming together however, these immigrants are able to organize themselves and protest in away that their voices are heard. By sharing the same race, religion or story, these immigrants feel less alienated and more inclined to band together and demand their rights.

Having relatives who have recently immigrated, I know that many times immigrants take what they can get. They tend to ignore how they are mistreated in order to make a little money and get started. While often they initially think that when they come here they will start at a lower paid job and eventually make their way up to higher paying jobs, often times we see immigrants settle. They get too comfortable in their routine and forget that if they were willing to put more effort in, they could potentially get a higher paying jobs. It is only when immigrants encounter other people with the same story as them that they realize that they deserve more than what they are receiving. When they find enough people who share their ideas, they are able to protest as one group and try to reason with business owners. While it is a good idea in theory, this protesting does not always work. But it is important that these immigrants do not settle but continue fighting for their rights.

 

 

The Immigrant Labor Market

Tarry Hum’s “Persistent Polarization in the New York Workforce: New Findings of Labor Market Segmentation” clearly articulates and quantifies the large gaps in employment in terms of race, gender, and nativity. Some of the factors mentioned are understandably contributive to success in the job market such as language proficiency and education; however, the variance in terms of race and nativity are striking. African Americans, Latinos, and Asians collectively make up approximately half of both professional and financial services and between 70 and 75% of retail, food, and medical services. Bearing in mind last week’s discussion on immigrant entrepreneurship, this isn’t terribly surprising, but this huge divide between so-called skilled and unskilled labor is alarming, to say the least, especially since New York City is supposed to be a model in rising out of the current economic crisis.

What is perhaps most interesting is within these minority groups, there is a further division between native-borns and immigrants. The most extreme example is in the case of Asians and Asian-Americans. Native-born Asians on average make over $100,000 while their immigrant counterparts are sitting at the poverty line. While language and education can account for this to an extent, there is still clearly and abuse and exploitation of these immigrant workers.

However, Immanuel Ness’s Immigrants, Unions, and the New U.S. Labor Market shows how when these immigrants try to rally together to fight for better wages or conditions, they are met with overwhelming opposition. The example opening the chapter relays an anecdote about a shop that chose to shut down rather than increase its Mexican workers pay. Ness also discussed the strange comparison of the formation of such units to a “cultural propensity” towards militancy. Frankly, that is a bit ridiculous. Unions by native born Americans were formed in response to the influx of blue collar jobs and the ensuing abuse inflicted upon these workers. Although Ness is correct in saying we have increasingly become a service economy, there is still a need for unions, especially amongst immigrant workers.

Immigrant Labor Markets in NYC

Immanuel Ness’s Immigrants, Unions, and the New U.S. Labor Market, sheds light on the relationship between immigrants in New York City and their involvement–or lack thereof–in formal unions. Ness elaborates on the backstory of the slowly declining influence of unions in NYC, honing in on NYC’s shift from a largely manufacturing economy to a service economy.

New York City, prior to the recent wave of immigrants, gleaned capital from the manufacturing sector. Manufacturing jobs were beneficial to immigrants in myriad ways; first and foremost, the manufacturing jobs created a condensed “social geography of work.” Ness defines “social geography of work” as the social networks that immigrants establish as a direct result of where they gather to work. Manufacturing occupations created specialized districts (such as the Meatpacking District) where immigrants could exchange thoughts, sympathize with each other regarding difficult labor conditions, and often, group together to form unions. Manufacturing jobs allowed immigrants to find strength in solidarity.

Ness mentions two major causes of the shift from the manufacturing industry to the service industry–the outsourcing of jobs, and the onset of new technologies that have replaced previously manual tasks, such as been the case with the previously booming printing industry. Jobs within the printing industry, for example, provided a decent income and were, most importantly, regulated by unions so that unfair labor practices were minimized. Occupations within the service industry tend to be more scattered throughout the city, derailing the immigrants prime weapon against unfair labor practices–their strength in concentrated numbers. Thus, with the emergence of a service economy, it became much more difficult for immigrants to assimilate.

Ness briefly mentions the black car limousine industry as an example of the service economy in NYC. The black car industry encompasses, in many ways, all the difficulties immigrants face in the age of the service economy. Black car drivers are essentially self-employed; they purchase the cars they drive with their own money, and pay for maintenance out of pocket, as well. Each driver functions autonomously; there often is no gathering place for drivers to be social with each other and vent frustrations regarding work–it is too easy for each driver to be encapsulated in his/her own bubble. The vast capital raised via the service industry comes at the expense of many immigrants, black car drivers representing just one example.

Immigrant Unions & The New US Labor Market

In the book, Immigrant Unions & The New US Labor Market, Immanuel Ness focuses on the motives that prompt immigrant workers to organize and form organizations such as labor unions in order to improve their working conditions.

The chapter “Why New Immigrants Organize” opens by describing the various labor conflicts that swept through Manhattan in the spring of 2001 between Mexicans working in green sweatshops and their employers. These workers organized various strikes in order to raise their wages, improve their workplace conditions and gain respect. This example demonstrates a pattern that is all too common now-a-days. Young men flee from their home country such as Mexico, because of a decline in living conditions and seek jobs in the United States where there are willing to work for low wages in New York City industries. The book centers on the various ways in which these immigrants organize and disproves the notion that immigrants are complacent and not likely to fight for improved conditions. In fact, according to Ness, immigrants are more likely to organize and protest than their native counterparts. They have an “improbable willingness to take inordinate risks to build worker power, raise wages and improve conditions in disparate work places” ( Ness 2 ). This surprised me, one would expect recently arrived immigrants to do their best to fit into their environment, to prevent attention from being drawn to themselves and to blend into their surroundings both at home and in their workplace. Instead this reading says the opposite. immigrants are willing to take the risks necessary in order to improve work place conditions for themselves and for other immigrants. This implies to me that immigrants manage to form some ties with other fellow immigrants, ties that give them the security and valor necessary to risk their jobs and fight for what they believe in.

Other sections of the readings proved to me that they do in fact gain a sense of unity from other immigrants in the area.  One of the main reasons for a strong presence of economic immigrants in the United States is the country’s need for people to fill in jobs and industry services, particularly those that no longer attract native born workers. The immigrants that tend to accept these jobs generally have fewer social networking  ties outside the workplace than inside. Furthermore, the long hours of work that are typical of such poorly-paid jobs enable these workers to form bonds with each other that are strengthened day by day as they work together. Because of their common experiences, they tend to manifest a common resentment towards their employer “on the basis of common exploitation”, resulting in workplace militancy, or in other words: a sense of immigrant solidarity.

I found this very interesting because by the employers mistreating their immigrant employees there are actually fueling and contributing to a stronger formation of a labor union that will try to bring down the regulations that they so desperately try to maintain. Instead of mistreating employees of common ethnicities and social status, employees should be aware that their actions can lead to future labor movements against their businesses.

Organizing to Prevent Exploitation

Why Immigrants Organize, by Immanuel Ness explains how immigrant workers are exploited and without the “exit” plan that native-born workers have, have no choice but to fight back by establishing their own organized strikes. Ness explains how because of the U.S. economy has begun to lean more towards neoliberalism there is less government regulation therefore businesses and corporation are more inclined pay immigrant workers below minimum-wage and exploit them because of their lack of status and ignorance. The article furthers examines the relationship between established native-born unions and immigrant-formed work organizations. The author encourages unions to support these groups while leaving them enough room to remain autonomous. Ness also explains how these immigrants are more inclined to act because of the identity niches that the immigrants have worked and lived in. They may share a common ethnicity, religion, and experience the same things and are therefore more sympathetic  and willing to work for a common cause.

In Tarry Hum’s article, Persistent Polarization in the New York Workforce: New Findings of Labor Market Segmentation, the data and statistics clearly demonstrates why immigrants are discontent about their working conditions and wages. The data shows how immigrants work the most menial and insecure jobs such as construction and transportation. Many are much more qualified for other jobs yet because of the language barrier and prejudices they face, they may be forced to work in these jobs. Some of these jobs are high-risk and yet many immigrants are paid below average wages. The businesses and corporations that hire these immigrants are blatantly exploitive. Given the few options immigrants have, as Ness explains, they will attempt to change their work situation instead once they realize how they are exploited and treated so disrespectfully.

The forming of immigrant work groups should be encouraged. With numbers comes power and greater influence over these exploitive businesses. The government should step in as well and provide support for these people. Specifically, laws should be enforced and immigrants made more aware of their rights as transnational workers. Whether or not they are documented workers, they should still have basic rights as human beings.

Immigrant Entrepreneurship

In Jonathan Bowles’ “Immigrant Entrepreneurism: An Engine for Economic Recovery,” the emerging influence of immigrant business on the New York’s economy is discussed. He argues that immigrants have, in recent years, come a long way in terms of visibility and impact in local communities, especially heavily concentrated immigrant communities. While the amount of native born Americans that are starting their own businesses is on the decline, immigrant entrepreneurship has been soaring; a record fifty-three percent increase of immigrants who are self employed has been recorded from 1990-2000.

Despite this massive growth of immigrant entrepreneurship, Bowles argues that we have barely began to skim the surface of the capacity of immigrants to bring about major economic revitalization in the five boroughs. Bowles makes a number of points, championing the expansion of government assistance to small immigrant businesses, as well as funding to nonprofit groups that have a direct link to the immigrant population. Nonprofit groups and immigrant-based and oriented organizations can offer advice in a language and culture that immigrants are most receptive to.

Throughout the article, Bowles makes it a point to reiterate that “…only a relatively small number of immigrants who own restaurants or other retail businesses have expanded into larger space or opened stores in additional locations.” From first-hand knowledge of the area where I live, College Point, I argue that the College Point/Flushing area is an exception to Bowles’ point; the thriving Asian businesses in Flushing have provided a segue for their successful expansion in College Point.

Flushing can easily be referred to as a hub of economic activity–businesses have put down their roots in Flushing, oftentimes sprawling over great areas of land. In addition, many ethnic chain stores have been established: Kung Fu Tea and Quickly’s are two examples of drink shops that serve beverages and eateries unique to the Asian culture. Recently, a Kung Fu Tea shop, as well Kam Man Foods (a large supermarket) has opened in a new complex in College Point. From the times I have patronized these businesses, I’ve observed bustling crowds–of both Asians and of other ethnicities. Though I can’t confirm whether or not these businesses received assistance from the government or non profit organizations, it appears that the success of these retailers has been directly influenced by the success of the same chains in Flushing.

 

Korean Immigrant Entrepreneurship

My Korean immigrant neighbors have been in the United States longer than I’ve been alive. I grew up having them as both my neighbors and as my neighborhood grocers. When I saw the topic of this seminar’s discussion, I decided to talk with them about their experience of starting their own business in Elmhurst.

 Mr. and Mrs. Kim arrived here in the early 90s. They came here hoping to establish their own business because of what they had heard about Elmhurst from their American family members. They recounted to me the network of family and friends that helped to get them started in America. Within a year, they established a town grocery and delicatessen in an already existent retail space on the corner of my block.
This deli served a great number of people in my immediate community. It out-competed another close business in terms of cleanliness and variety, so much so that  the other business eventually shut its doors. Another factor in the Kim’s success was that they served both American commercial items as well as ethnic based goods. These ethnic based items appealed not only to Koreans, but also to Chinese, Hispanic and Indian customers. This well demonstrates the notion of the middleman minority.
Funny enough, though they eventually left because of rent disputes, the grocery was taken up by another Korean family. What are the Kim’s doing now, you might ask? They’re running a dry cleaners out of Forest Hills, and their teenage son wants to work in finance. Though this is just a case study, I was interested in just how parallel their lives run to the descriptions of Korean immigrants given in our readings.

Immigrant Entreprenuership

Dae Young Kim’s Beyond Co-ethnic Solidarity: Mexican and Ecuadorean Employment in Korean-Owned Businesses in New York City explains the relationship of co-ethnic employer and co-ethnic employees and how gradually, the employment by independent self-employed Korean businesses started to change.  Kim explains that since the 1970s, there has been an increase in self-employment rate. According to the reading, the 1990 US Census data showed the self-employment rate for Koreans to be estimated at 35 percent. Koreans were forced to turn to self-employment mainly because of language barrier. To find workers and employers who were trustworthy, the Korean immigrants had to turn to other Koreans for help.

I could relate my dad and the company he works for to this reading. Similarly, my dad and his brother in law are also engaged in co-ethnic employment. My uncle already settled in the United States and established his own ATM business (self-employment) and because he was looking for co-ethnic labor, my dad was able to get the job pretty easily.

This ethnic solidarity had both its ups and downs. At first, co-ethnic employers and employees were both benefitting from this trade. The employers found cheap labor that was willing to over-work. However, soon, these employees established their own businesses that soon turned into competition. For Koreans, working for these independent Korean companies was just a temporary measure. They also soon wanted to establish their own store after the “business training” from other companies.

Since the 1980s, with more independent businesses and less Korean immigrants, co-ethnic labor was scarce along with the increase in cost. This resulted in search for another type of labor force for the Korean employers. According to one of the interviews in the reading, Holiday Cleaners’ owner mentions, “Mexicans were employed because it became a big burden to employ Koreans”. Korean employees expected special treatment just because they were Koreans while the Mexicans were willing to work for smaller amount of money. Because the employers could hire two or three decent Mexican workers for the price of a Korean worker, they couldn’t resist but hire them for certain types of jobs. Kim also predicts that Mexican and Ecuadorean employment is going to continue to increase.

Immigrant Entrepreneurship

In Jonathan Bowles  Immigrant Entrepreneurism: An Engine for Economic Recovery, he discusses the impact that immigrants have had on the US businesses. Bowles argues that immigrants (who are 30% more likely to start up a new business as compared to non-immigrants) are the key to boosting the New York City economy. RIght now, these immigrant run businesses have more capability than they are reaching. Many different factors hinder these businesses to reach the amount of income they can truly reach. In such a diverse area such as New York City, if a business is run in a language other than English, they attract people of their own race but they are not able to reach many other nationalities. Bowles argues that the government should work towards encouraging these small immigrant businesses to thrive so that the city in itself can generate more income.

These immigrant owned businesses can easily be seen in a drive down Hillside Avenue in Queens, New York. There are Indian food markets, restaurants and beauty salons on every corner. Everywhere you look there are businesses made up of people who have recently come to this country and with the little money they had, have created a flourishing business. Many times, people tend to avoid “American” grocery stores in order to support their fellow Asians in their business.

The Evolution of Immigrant Entrepreneurship

Jonathan Bowles’ article, entitled “Immigrant Entrepreneurship: An Engine for Economic Recovery,” gives a good introduction as to both the pros and cons regarding immigrant entrepreneurship. Bowles’ article could arguably be a bit biased since it was published so soon after the economic downturn that took place in 2008, but regardless, many points are still valid. He notes that immigrant businesses over the past ten to twenty years have become “a powerful engine of economic growth,” immigrants being 30% more likely to start their own business. Immigrant-founded businesses have superseded the stereotypical food establishments or bodegas and have delved into health care or Silicon Valley-esque technology firms. This is evidence that immigrants are very much capable of “making it” in today’s economy.

However, the struggle lies in the lack of a support system. Being recent immigrants, these business owners often know little of American business practices, have a credit history, or know the right sources to go to for financial advice, and these factors are what lead to the failure of the business. Bowles makes an extremely valid point that the success stories needed little support in their start-ups, so if perhaps, the bureaucracy could dedicate just some attention to the needs of these recent immigrants, an economy that claims to be built off small businesses can be restored to its former glory.

Bearing in mind Bowles’ analysis, Chapter 4 of Min’s book, “Korean Immigrants’ Economic Segregation,” describes a textbook example of the economic advantages of an immigrant enclave. Min breaks down the businesses of Koreatown, documenting importers and wholesalers, professional firms, as well as more everyday businesses such as food markets and nail salons. He articulates that Koreans have the highest rate of starting a business amongst other minorities, often times because that is their intention in coming to this country and they have properly prepared themselves via language classes and vocational school. A notable observation of Min’s notes the Korean business owners’ tendency to cater towards African-American communities. Though they are by no means more concentrated in these neighborhoods, their clientele often is. Min argues that perhaps in gearing business practices towards this group, Korean businesses aren’t actually catering to African-American customers, but rather to lower-income ones.

This can then be directly linked to Kim’s study “Beyond co-ethnic solidarity: Mexican and Ecuadorian employment in Korean-owned businesses in New York City.” Kim outlines how Korean businesses are increasingly abandoning the practice of co-ethnic employment in favor of hiring lower-wage seeking Latinos. Of course there are multiple factors for this shift: a decrease in Korean immigration, the high benefit costs of Korean employees, etc., but it could be argued that the Korean business practiced geared towards lower-income customers could thereby be extended to employees, and thus such a shift occurs.

Immigrant Entrepreneurship

During recent times of economic downturn, the search for potential wells of economic hope has consumed the nation and its cities. One source that’s had significant impact is the most recent wave of immigration and its affect on enterprise. Jonathan Bowles reasons in his article Immigrant Entrepreneurism: An Engine for Economic Recovery that although the inherent benefits of immigrant entrepreneurism have begun to take effect, their maximum potential has not been achieved due to several debilitating factors, at least in New York.

Statistics such immigrants being 30% more likely to start a new business than native-born citizens and a dramatic, 53%, increase in self employed immigrants undeniably demonstrate their economic power. He continues to bring numbers that demonstrate this one fact.

On the other hand disadvantages that include a lack of financial literacy, the language barrier and overzealous regulations have inhibited the potential of these immigrants. They are less likely to expand their businesses and those already open have lower average receipts than their counterparts in other cities.

Fortunately there is cause for optimism. Several new initiatives have been proposed to increase trust and assist non-governmental and community organizations with the growth of the immigrant economy. Hopefully this growth can revitalize the economy as a whole as well.

Immigrant Entrepreneurship

Immigrants play a huge role in creating businesses in the United States. In a study done nationwide, in November 2008, it was found that immigrants are nearly 30 percent more likely to start a business than non-immigrants (Bowles 2009). A study done by Jonathan Bowles reveals that immigrants drove all the growth in New York City’s self-employed population between 1990 and 2000. Interestingly enough, the number of foreign-born self-employed individuals totaled 64,001 while the number of native-born self-employed individuals totaled 15,657. Flushing and Sunset Park had a big jump in the increase of new businesses, 55% and 47% respectively, and the first thing that comes to find when you think about those two neighborhoods is the outstanding Asian population in those two neighborhoods.

Asians have generally played an important role, the past few decades, in the creation of businesses in the United States, primarily in California and New York. More Specifically, Korean immigrants have been known to be self-employed primarily in Los Angeles, and New York City. Korean immigrants, in the 1990 census, actually had the highest self-employment rate among all minority and immigrant groups in Los Angeles, exceeding even the native-born Whites of Russian ancestry (Min 1996). The question to ask to understand this phenomenon is: “Why has starting a business become ‘a cultural fashion’ among Koreans?” And the answer is based upon two key factors: culture and disadvantage. The culture theory (Kim 1999) examines the rationale of some immigrants to bring some of their home country into their new society. While the disadvantage theory analyzes the disadvantages Korean immigrants face such as: poor English, licensing requirements, American credentials, discrimination, etc. (Kim 1999).

Immigrant Entrepreneurs

In an earlier reading about Urban Enclaves, one of the authors discussed how many Latinos were the labor force driving the Asian restaurants and businesses, working in the kitchens and such in neighborhoods such as Flushing. This week’s reading went further in depth about immigrant labor. Two of the articles discussed the growing trend of Latino immigrants working in Korean immigrants’ businesses.

The trend is due to a number of factors. It starts out with the Korean immigrants. Korean immigrants arrive in America, and they encounter many struggles; one of the examples Kim gave was that their credentials earned in Korea don’t necessarily transfer over. Hence, they turn to other Koreans who have set up their own businesses. The problem, though, is that these Koreans only stay to learn the basic information. As Kim explains, most leave after mere months of working there. That led to the drive by Korean business owners to hire Latinos.  Kim also discusses the trend which is that Koreans will not hire blacks as much as they hire Latinos. The main reason that Kim gives is that there are negative ideas about them, and that Latinos are attractive workers because they are often undocumented and the wages they earn are higher when they are exchanged for the currency at home.

In Bowles’s article, Bowles describes a multitude of problems surrounding immigrant entrepreneurship. For example, many immigrants experience “unfamiliarity with how business is done…lack of awareness about local regulations, limited financial literacy…little to no credit history” along with language problems. As seen in Kim’s article, some of the Latino immigrants reported that they couldn’t talk to fellow employees that weren’t Hispanic because they couldn’t speak Korean. The chef, the owner, everyone spoke Korean.

In Min’s article, Min describes the nature of Korean immigration to the United States: the numbers have gradually decreased over time as South Korea has become politically and economically stable. Koreans are very different from other Asian immigrants, however, as they are educated and many of the immigrants have been middle-class Christians. Unlike the Koreans, many of the immigrants that have emigrated have been from rural, working-class or peasant class backgrounds, and unlike their fellow Asian, Chines and Japanese immigrants are largely not Christians. Interestingly, Min uses the term ‘ghetto’ to describe the new Seoul located in Flushing. Why does she describe it as a ghetto, though, as it should and would be more accurately called an enclave? Min also stated that she searched for the new Korean community in New York by searching up the last name “Kim” which she claims is the most popular last name-why did she not choose to search up other   popular last names? I found it a questionable method. Based on a series of tables in the article, Koreans have opened a large number of grocery stores as well as nail salons (which is evident), yet business was not something that many of these Koreans chose to pursue when they came to the U.S.

Immigrant Businesses

In Immigrant Entrepreneurism: an Engine for Economic Recovery, Jonathan Bowles makes the argument that immigrant entrepreneurs are the solution New York City’s economic downturn. As a result of the recent immigration influx, there are more immigrant-run businesses appearing throughout the city. Bowles suggests that the city consider immigrant entrepreneurs as a solution to revitalizing New York City’s economy. He explains how there is not enough support for these businesses and since immigrants naturally face language barriers and other difficulties when establishing themselves in a new country, it is difficult for their businesses to reach full potential. He encourages the city to implement new laws and policies that would help immigrants expand their businesses. Particularly in New York City it is harder to startup new businesses as a result of competition and higher living standards and real estate prices.

Bowles’ argument that immigrant businesses will help revitalize the economy is something that should be considered. In Min’s article, Korean Communities: New York and Los Angeles, he mentions that Korean immigrants only start their own businesses because they believe they cannot find jobs in the general labor market and that native-born Korean Americans don’t even want to consider starting up their own businesses. Yet, as Bowles mentions, new enterprises created in immigrant neighborhoods surpassed business created city-wide. Despite the unwillingness of these immigrants to be self-employed and the lack of support from the city, immigrant enterprises are doing surprisingly well. Imagine what would happen if these immigrants did receive the support they need for their businesses. However one thing that should be considered is whether or not the expansion of these businesses is really the best the option. As both Min and Kims’ articles mention, the immigrant self-employment usually occurs in enclaves or coethnic neighborhoods where their businesses caters to the needs of immigrants of shared ethnicity. Would their services and goods that immigrants need and like, be able to sell as well in areas where there may be no immigrants or people of similar ethnicities? Would prejudice or just plain lack of interest prevent immigrant businesses from profiting if they expanded? I agree that immigrant entrepreneurship may help New York City’s economy and that with support, they may thrive, but it may depend on the type of support they receive.

Immigrant Entrepreneurship: An Engine for Economic Recovery

With the economy down, many businesses have been declining. Despite this downturn, there has been a rise of immigrants who are providing economic support, leading a strong fight for economic growth. It is no surprise that “foreign-born entrepreneurs have been starting a greater share of new businesses than native-born residents.” Coming to America, immigrants have a certain, specific goal: to be successful. One of the solutions to that, is getting involved in their own business and making a living out of it.  So, small business and entrepreneurship remain the engines of job growth and economic recovery.

Immigrants are 30% more likely to being a business than non-immigrants. That is a shocking high stat because you would expect non-immigrants, who have the resources and are familiar with the American economy to begin a business. That being said, immigrants do have more of a strive and motivation to begin a business despite various factors that come along their path.

Perhaps what’s most surprising is that this growth is not just driven by immigrants with  degrees and high education. In other words, lack of education doesn’t stop these highly motivated immigrants from starting new businesses. That being said, immigrant dominated communities in the city area have shown to have an explosion in new enterprises. Also, stats show that even an increase in job growth among these communities have prevailed. There has been a 34% in Washington Heights and 28% in Jackson Heights.

A question that comes up is what can the nation do to bring more Americans – native-born and immigrant alike – to create their own businesses? That as well as the growth of businesses by immigrants, the overall economy can grow with the growth of entrepreneurs.   Since there is a shift of job growth as well as enterprises, the city must come up with a way to pick itself up from this economic downturn. Whether it is to support these immigrant businesses, or join these businesses and create big companies, action should be taken to solve this economic conflict that immigrants may have an answer to.

The Changing Dynamics of Co-ethnic Entrepreneurship

In “Beyond Co-ethnic Solidarity: Mexican and Ecuadorean Employment in Korean-owned businesses in New York City”, the author, Dae Young Kim, examines the changing dynamics in the co-ethnic nature of Korean owned businesses and applies these findings to critique the traditional scholarly approach to immigrant entrepreneurship

In the past, scholars have put forward the Ethnic Enclave Thesis, asserting that in ethnic enclaves co-ethnic employees and employers form a mutually beneficial relationship. In other words, both sides benefit from an economic relationship. Employees provide employers with a large and cost-efficient labor force while employers provide training and the chance for promotion or independent entrepreneurship.

How did this co-ethnic economic model come to be? With the drastic increase in the reate of immigration in the nineteen sixties came rising discrimination. Immigrants succeeded in overcoming this discrimination and building new economies and communities for themselves by collaborating and cooperating with their co-ethnic community to help build businesses and become economically self sufficient.

In the past, scholarly literature has almost exclusively painted a positive picture of co-ethnic economic partnership and as a result has failed to properly note the internal conflicts and views within ethnic communities. These conflicts, perceptions, and the resulting economic shift have contradicted the fully positive model of co-ethnic entrepreneurship and economic solidarity. To address these issues, Kim uses the events behind the changing dynamics within Korean-owned business to illustrate the costs and following downfall of co-ethnic economic solidarity.

In short, what happened in the Korean immigrant economic community was as follows: In the beginning, Korean businesses followed the Ethnic Enclave Thesis perfectly. They hired many of their co-ethnics who provided them with abundant, cheap, and reliable labor. In return they provided job training and also provided an established business infrastructure and community from which new immigrant could eventually mold their own businesses. And in this lies the problem. Eventually, the population that would have been employed cheaply by business owners became business owners themselves or advanced themselves economically using other paths.  As Korean business owners saw their own labor pool dry up they were forced to turn to other more reliable and cost-efficient sources, namely, recent Latino immigrants.

Immigrant entrepreneurism: the cost and benefits

In his article, Immigrant Entrepreneurism: An Engine for Economic Recovery, Bowles places special emphasis on the immigrant owned businesses in New York City. Previously, we discussed that immigrants flock to areas where there are high concentrations of other immigrants just like them. Bowles mentions that in The Center’s 2007 study, neighborhoods with a high concentration of immigrants have experienced a significant increase in small immigrant owned businesses. For example, Flushing, a thriving immigrant enclave, has had a 55% increase between 1994 and 2004 (followed by neighborhoods like sunset park, Jackson Heights, Washington Heights etc.). Compared to the foreign born entrepreneurs in New York City, natives are less likely to open up their own businesses. These immigrant businesses not only help the economy by creating jobs, but they also stimulate growth in various sectors of the economy (such as food manufacturing, healthcare etc.)

Although small businesses are an integral part of the country’s economy, immigrant owners have to face various obstacles that prevent them from expanding their small businesses. As Bowles points out, these small businesses not only lack support from city policymakers but their owners also usually are less aware of rules and regulations when it comes to running a business in the United States. Language barriers also hinder these owners from expanding into the American market. Therefore, it helps them to cluster in and cater to their own ethnic community (for example, Flushing). Also, immigrant owners have to deal with expensive real estate and often; these owners are struggling to keep up with the rising rent. For example, whenever I take a trip to Jackson Heights, I always notice how some businesses are completely replaced by other new businesses. Many factors (discussed above) contribute to the foreclosure of these old businesses. Although I see many businesses shutting down, it is remarkable to see that there is always another immigrant owner willing to utilize that space. Because of this large growth in the small business sector, Bowles encourages the local government and agencies to support these businesses so that they can expand and make a significant contribution to the growth of the city’s economy.

Young Entrepreneurialism

The main point of Jonathan Bowles’ piece Immigrant Entrepreneurism: An Engine for Economic Recovery is that immigrant entrepreneurs are the ones who can, and most likely will, help kick start the city’s economic recovery. Using statistics, historical background, and neighborhood studies, Bowles develops this idea, showing how immigrants have successfully contributed through starting up their own businesses, which have positively impacted their local communities and the general economy. As a result of these new businesses, a variety of jobs in different sectors have popped up and employment has consequently been on the rise. In heavily immigrant communities there has been a tremendous growth in businesses, while in the city the increase has been nominal. Bowles goes on to explain how and why immigrants, who are 30 percent more likely than non-immigrants to start businesses, have not achieved their entrepreneurial potential in New York. Because of limited financial literacy, little credit history, and language barriers, they struggle to expand their businesses, let alone keep them stay afloat. There are ways to help them, Bowles suggests, such as developing a new framework for small businesses in immigrant communities and ensuring that city economic development officials help these immigrants expand their businesses outside of the five boroughs.

While I found this article compelling, I found a major flaw in it. Since the Great Recession in 2007, our economy has been very vulnerable and still needs a great deal of help to return back to its prime in the mid 2000’s. I believe that entrepreneurs would help boost our economy, but not in the immigrant sector specifically, as Bowles points out. We should not limit the focus on immigrant entrepreneurialism, but rather we should broaden the idea to young entrepreneurs in general. Since it is difficult to find a job nowadays, it would behoove both young people and the economy if people fresh out of college were to be creative and start their own businesses: they would not be unemployed but rather self employed, and consequently there would have more employed people contributing to the growth of the economy. The important point is not that immigrants should be the ones who are the entrepreneurs. Rather, if younger people are the ones who are starting new companies, there would be fresh ideas and the market would develop at a faster pace. I am not saying immigrants should not contribute, but instead perhaps the focus should be on young immigrants. Since the market has a chance to start anew after its unfortunate crash in 2007, we must find a way to ensure that the youngest people are entrepreneurs so that there will be a fresh vibrancy in the market that will last for a long time.

Immigrants v. Immigrants

America is and always has been a country of immigrants. Every single resident of the United States, besides the Native Americans, is either an immigrant or a descendant of immigrants. This fact makes it hard to understand why new groups of immigrants are typically greeted with anxiety, suspicion, discrimination, and even hate.

The first major wave of immigration came mainly from Europe from approximately 1880 to 1920. This group included many Irish, Polish, Italian, and Eastern European immigrants among many other groups. The established white American population reacted very harshly to this new group of immigrants; they called these immigrants hateful names and prohibited them from working and living in certain areas. This is the climate into which my two Irish great-grandparents arrived in the late 1800s.

My grandmother was the youngest of nine children (all of whom were raised in New York among many other immigrant children), she herself was victim to several instances of discrimination by the WASP population. When she first moved to Elmhurst in 1935 or so, the neighborhood was overwhelmingly white and full of the aforementioned immigrant groups. Within her lifetime, the group of immigrants that her parents came to the U.S. with became more or less incorporated into mainstream society.

She lived in Elmhurst as the second wave of immigrants began to come into the U.S.: Chinese, Hispanics (from many different countries), Indians, Middle Easterners, etc. As the people she grew up with left and passed away and as white Elmhurst began its shift into becoming one of the most diverse neighborhoods in the world, my grandmother experienced anxiety over change. As she grew older, she grew bitter, and as a young child I could not understand what the fuss was about.

This is still a question that I deal with years after my grandmother’s passing. How could a child of immigrants be so scared of other immigrants? She herself was even discriminated against for similar reasons. One answer that I have considered is that it’s an ongoing process of new Americans trying to claim a piece of their own here in the U.S. When the first wave of immigrants came in, the established white population was scared that they’d lose their power, their jobs, or their values. Now we see the ostracized doing the ostracizing.

People naturally fear change and the unknown. Until we stop being so terrified of our fellow Americans, we cannot fully embrace the skills and vitality that they can deliver once they are accepted and incorporated. Those who understand this can tap into the energy and potential of these immigrant groups in ways that can better the society as a whole. For those who do not, it may already be too late for them to see.

Old and New “New Immigrants”

The Political Incorporation of Immigrants, Then and Now by Gary Gerstle and John Mollenkopf mainly discusses about two major waves of “new immigrants”. They discuss significant similarities and differences of these two waves of immigrants. The first wave of 27.6 millions of “new immigrants” was mainly composed of eastern, central, and southern Europeans. They arrived during the recovery time of the Civil War when the economy of the United States had started to develop and stabilize through steam, rail, electricity, and numerous other industries.

After World Ward II and Great Depression, the new “new immigrants” arrived. Unlike the previous wave, this group of people was mainly composed of Asians, Latin Americans, and the Caribbean (fewer Europeans). Since 1965, 20 million immigrants have arrived in the United States and a huge portion of them settled gateway cities like New York, San Francisco, Chicago, and etc. This new generation of immigrants also arrived at the time of economic prosperity and development. Also numerous immigrants with professional skills were present since the standard for the jobs has been raised.

The crucial difference between the old and new “new immigrants” are the problems they face.  The newer immigrants face the wall of education. The requirements for jobs have been getting stricter and stricter. Although the immigrants at the beginning of the 20th century were fairly uneducated, the society did not require for them to have high degree of education. Finally, the later immigrants enter “a more culturally relaxed, multicultural, and perhaps less prejudiced society”. Although there have been anti-immigrant acts, the immigrants weren’t greatly affected by it and eventually, the practice of holding dual-citizenship became popular.

What’s really distinct about the second wave of “new immigrants” is the diversity of race. The older immigrants were able to assimilate to the American society eventually. After a certain point, they were considered “white”. The newer wave will have harder time assimilating into the mainstream society because of the color of their skin.

Gerstle and Mollenkopf 2005, Similarities and Differences between Immigration Waves

Gerstle and Mollenkopf discuss the two great waves of immigration to the United States; namely the great European immigration of the late 19th to early 20th century, and the more recent influx of immigrants from Latin America and Asia from the mid 20th century through the present. They discuss the fact that there is currently a great disparity between studies of the first wave and the second. They propose that to truly understand these movements, lessons from both eras must be applied.

In terms of similarities, in both cases certain “gateway” cities became hubs for immigrants. New groups formed by ethnic similarities appeared in within the older system of division of labor. Immigrants from both eras faced discrimination, from groups that feared their presence but paradoxically exploited them for political and economic reasons.

There were also stark differences, mostly in their respective historical contexts. The first wave of immigration was sustained by the final fruits of the industrial revolution. New technologies developed heavy industry and manufacturing as a major part of the economy. The resulting economic growth created plenty of opportunity for advancement. The second wave on the other hand arrived in a period of economic flux and uncertainty. The lack of education, relative to natives, amongst many of these immigrants makes it difficult for advancement similar to that of the previous wave.

The Political Incorporation of Immigrants, Then and Now

The readings The Political Incorporation of Immigrants, Then and Now  by Gary Gerstle and John Mollenkopf focuses on the similarities and difference between the two immigrant waves that have arrived in the United States during the last two centuries. The reading makes sure to highlight the struggles and impact of the arrival of immigrants during the years 1881 to 1930 and at the beginning of the 21st century. According to the article, between the years of 1881 to 1920 about 27.6 million immigrants arrived in America, most of them from eastern, central and southern Europe, boosting the population up by 10.4%. After the liberalization of immigrant laws in 1965, about 20 million immigrants arrived from Latin America, Carribean and Asia. The majority of these immigrants settled in “gateway cities” such as New York, Los Angeles, Miami and San Francisco. Because of the declining birth rates among the native born residents, this wave of new immigrants began to make up more than 30% of the population.

There are some apparent differences between the wave of immigrants that arrived in the late 1800’s and the wave if immigrants that arrived later on in the 1900’s. For example, the wave of immigrants that arrived in the 1880’s arrived at a time that the United States was experiencing economic growth because of the rapid industrialized caused by the factories railroads, automobiles, and air travel This wave of immigrants was also more poorly educated than the current wave of immigrants. Furthermore, racial division was the central divider among the immigrants of that era. By contrast, the recent wave of immigrants have arrived at a time in which the level of discrimination has greatly diminished due to the blacks struggle to gain equality. Gerstle and Mollenkopf state that, “…today’s immigrants enter a more culturally relaxed, multicultural and perhaps less prejudiced society. In which the blacks struggle for justice has ended many aspects of instituitionalized discrimination agains non whites”( Gerstle and Mollenkopf 8) .

However, there are some similarities between the two waves of immigrants. Both waves settled in certain cities, giving themselves a distinct ethnic character. The journies of both groups reflected both the opportunities and resources provided by their destination of choice. Furthermore,  they both arrived at a time of economic transformation and wealth inequality and faced religious and racial discrimination.

What shocked me the most about this reading was in the beginning where the author stated that there has not been much research concerning the similarities and differences between the two waves of immigrants. While I was in high school, I took the Advanced Placement United States History course. I recognized many of the material that i learned included in this specific reading. What I most remember from the course was the repetitiveness of patterns that occur after immigrants settle in a new area. These patterns, such as immigrants settling in a place because of economic change and then facing discrimination from the the already established residents, have repeated themselves throughout history. So when the article stated that there has not been much research into the comparison of the two waves of immigrants, and instead researches have relied on stereotypes, it interested me. Shouldn’t we focus on the negative aspects of these repeating patterns so maybe we can look ahead into the future and prevent discrimination and conflicts from occurring? Also, another thing this reading reminded me of was the Community Board meeting I attended last night. What stuck out the most about the readings was when this man stood up to speak to the committee. He briefly stated his background, explaining that he was an Ecuadorian immigrant from the Andes. He stated that he wished to join the committee to reduce the hate crime in his area between Italians and Ecuadorians. When I heard that, I was astounded. It made me feel like a lot of the material that I have learned in this class, even it concerned immigrants from decades ago, is still prevalent today. I believe that we should continue to study these repeating patterns indepthly so we can prevent and fight such kinds of discrimination that has been going on for so long.

Political Incorporation

In The Political Incorporation of Immigrant, Then and Now, Gary Gerstle and John Mollenkopf talk about the development of immigrant participation in politics and the two waves of immigrants that came to the United States of America.  The first wave, which lasted from the 1880s to the 1930s, consisted of mainly Europeans.  Most immigrants came from countries of Eastern Europe, like Italy, Germany, and Ireland.  The second wave consisted of Latinos, Asians and Caribbeans during the 1900s to present day.  With the new wave of immigrants coming to the United States came the inevitable rise in immigrants in blue collar jobs.  With the lack of skill and knowledge of how the job market worked in America, immigrants were a great source of cheap labor for manufacturers and other low-skilled jobs.  Both waves of immigrants also settled in city areas with other immigrants, like New York City.  Since immigrants seemed to gravitate towards other cultures similar to theirs, the authors point out how the first wave of European immigrants became more assimilated into American culture, or “white” culture.  As time passed by, Europeans became accepted as part of the American culture.   Because the earlier wave of immigrants related more to “white”culture, it makes sense that immigrant participation in politics has declined.  The newer wave of immigrants do not feel as assimilated as the earlier wave, so they are not as inclined to participate in political activities.  Of course, there are the few immigrants who are interested in politics and making themselves heard.  The issues of immigrants are being made more and more known, even though participation is lower than it should be.

Political Incorporation

The Political Incorporation of Immigrants, Then and Now by Gary Gerstle and John Mollenkopf discuss two different time periods in U.S. history that immigration was especially prevalent. The first of which dates from 1880-1930. This first wave was made up of Europeans (England, Ireland, German, etc.) who migrated to the United States. Upon arriving these immigrants immediately took to blue collared jobs and created their lives around these jobs. The second wave was made up of Latin Americans and other “non whites” (Latino, Asians, Caribbean). Few of these new immigrants started in blue collared jobs. We still see second wave immigration to this day with a large number of Asian and Latino immigrants.

The authors point out some of the differences between the first wave and the second wave of immigrants. One of these differences is the first wave had a greater opportunity to slowly assimilate with the other whites around them. For the second wave, it is increasingly more difficult to assimilate into “white” culture because with such a high concentration of diversity, it is clear that immigrants tend to stick with people of similar backgrounds.

As time has passed, immigrants are taking less and less of a role in politics. The first wave of immigrants seemed to take a more active approach to politics in voicing their opinions and willing to fight. The second wave of immigrants typically takes a backseat in politics. I know from experience that my parents, who are both immigrants, often question whether there is any point in voting. They constantly speak about how “this is a white man’s world” and despite arguing with them, they have already made up their minds. To them, the country will run with or without them so they believe there is no real need for them to voice their opinions because they believe that as a minority immigrant, there opinions will not be heard.

Migrant Civil Soceity

Over many years, there has been a great rise of immigrants. From various countries, these immigrants have looked to settle around many popular, specific cities, cities that they hope will let them settle and adapt and become successful. A city like that can be called port-of-entry immigrant neighborhood. However, many of these cities face transformation, specifically within the population. Some reasons are due to economical and social conditions. As a result, Nik Theodore and Nina Martin look to determine the role of non-profit , community and social movement organizations, and how they address the concerns of what those immigrants are facing in the port-of-entry neighborhood.

One city that was taken to example was Albany Park. For decades, it has “been a stepping stone for recent arrivals who have settled in the neighborhood before moving to outlying suburbs.” That being said, Albany Park has also experienced a great transformation. Great transformation of the blow of people, money and goods. Being a transnational community, it is strict in enforcing immigration laws, and that has lead to migration of these immigrants. A common issue facing these immigrants was the housing. With a decline historically, in the population in Albany Park, the neighborhood planned for “Urban Renewal,” however various community organizations emerged and thwarted this so that there could not be any “displacement” within the people. Despite housing concerns, stressing the cause of change and and community-based organizations mobilize to fight the gentrification  by partnering with non-profit organizations, that has provided and alternative way of development that results in balanced growth, equality, and less population displacement. It is fascinating to see different organization be formed and allied to have a spark in a certain issue. Such as the Albany Park Neighborhood Council, who partnered with the Logan Square Neighborhood Association to keep the Chicago neighborhoods affordable. That being said, these small organization and associations make way to become bigger groups, such as coalitions and organizations that have a big impact on city issues.

Non-profit organizations are important for each city, they allow for a resident body to have an impact on the neighborhood they live in. Such as the organizations in Albany Park, such organizations exist that allow the migrant immigrants to be halted and to keep a stable state of living in their own neighborhood.

Integrating Immigrants

In Gary Gerstle and John Mollenkopf’s work, The Political Incorporation of Immigrants, Then and Now, Gerstle and Mollenkopf give a detailed history before delving into the current political inability to incorporate recent immigrants into politics and voting. Gerstle and Mollenkopf’s article uses several words that were unusual and disconcerting, namely the word ‘pervasive’: “Although these new ‘new immigrants make up a smaller share of a much larger national population…they, too are having a pervasive impact on America” (1). The connotation of ‘pervasive’ implies that something is sneaky and parasitic: the concern here is that this word is not the best in trying to understand why immigrants are not as involved in politics like those before them. It’s eerily similar to the stereotypes that the majority of America gave immigrants.

The key argument in this article is that immigrants have been increasingly uninterested in politics. Gerstle and Mollenkopf depict it as something that started in the 1950s, as old immigrants were very much involved in politics in their time. They give an example of how the Irish and the Germans were willing soldiers and participants in the Civil War. That the Irish were willing is not completely true: in fact, many of the Irish were against abolition and rioted when they learned they had to go fight a war. The two solutions offered to combat this apathy towards politics is: 1) labor unions and organizations and 2) the current progress made by these recent immigrants. Labor unions and other organizations may be able to spark activism and interest again in immigrants and based on the recent growth and progress that immigrants have made in terms of their political influence, there may be hope yet for the entire political process, along with everything that goes along with it.

Finally, Gerstle and Mollenkopf make an interesting point in stating that “many of the immigrant children are Asian…they must create a new racial identity for themselves” (23). The authors also argue that “they must…negotiate their place in the racial hierarchy”, which  seems to be a struggle that other races and ethnicities have faced. Yet the Asians seemed to be a unique group because they’ve already had their places decided (unwillingly or willingly): they’re the model minority. The uneasy conclusion is that the racial struggle has now entered the public education system, where there is already an increasing divide as publicized by the media over the years: the lower income poor students are in failing schools, the wealthy students are in flourishing/private schools.

Immigrant Integration

Political Incorporation of Immigrants, Then and Now, by Gary Gerstle and John Mollenkopf, addresses the issue of immigrants coming to terms with American society. They propose that instead of the traditional method of studying waves of immigration separately, to utilize information and data from both immigration movements mentioned in order to create a more accurate and fluent representation of immigration in the United States. He explains how the approaches used by social scientists and historians should be incorporated, as in both perspectives should be considered when looking at this subject.

The writing introduces and compares the immigration during the turn of the 20th century and from 1965 onwards. The turn of the century migration saw immigrants of mostly English, Scottish, Irish, German, and Scandinavian origins whereas the immigrants of present day are of mostly Caribbean, Latino, and Asian origins. Both immigrants lived in concentrated neighborhoods of their ethnicity in urban settings. The one of the main differences between the two waves of immigration was that the earlier wave saw slow integration overtime into white American society whereas the immigrants today don’t really have that option. It goes on to explain the works of other researchers who examined the role of the state and the effect of transnationalism and education on immigrant integration.

I agree with the authors’ arguments that both immigration periods should be compared together and not separately and that the approaches used by social scientists and historians should both be considered when doing this type of research. Social scientists looks at data and statistics, but in order to understand the numbers and patterns, historical context must be considered.

On the topic of transnationalism, in present day communication and global networking is much more efficient and accessible than it was at the beginning of the 20th century. Therefore, immigrants are more inclined to embrace both American culture and the culture of their country of origin. I also believe that the accessibility of international communication and globalization also contributed to another issue. The authors mention the argument that schools nowadays taught only English and a hidden social hierarchy instead of conveying the values of liberty, independence, order, individual rights and duties, and patriotism. Perhaps this argument is wrong. English is taught merely as a way for immigrants to communicate with one another and this social hierarchy seems to resemble the ethnically concentrated neighborhoods immigrants tend to reside in. Perhaps this is just another way for children of immigrants to feel a sense of belonging. The U.S. is much more connected with the rest of the world today as a result of globalization. What was taught to students in the past may be considered outdated in terms of the situation America is in and meeting the needs of the students today. 

Non-Profits in Migrant Societies

Nik Theodore and Nina Martin share several important ideas in “Migrant Civil Society: New Voices in the Struggle Over Community Development.” The one thing that stood out to me is the role played my nonprofit organizations to fill the void left by the US Government post 9/11 in policies regarding immigrants in the United States. Theodore and Martin mention how September 11 terrorist attacks, the 2001 recession, the fiscal crisis in state government, and the alleged challenge to state sovereignty that has been brought on by large-scale undocumented migration, has led to the withdrawal of many public services that migrants need in the US. This is why nonprofit organizations have stepped in to fill the void, to allow migrants to get the help they need to live a proper life. In a survey done on 182 different nonprofits showed that 133 organizations reported to have 30% or more of their clients be foreign born migrants. These migrants came  from various backgrounds such as: Mexicans, Koreans, Chinese, Russians, Poles, Indians, and Central American migrants. Interestingly enough the greatest problem migrant families face (56%) is the language barrier and substandard employment issues, as discussed numerous times in class. [Need for health and social services (36%), immigration-related issues (33%) such as family reunification and gaining citizenship, and access to quality affordable housing (16%) (Figure 1). Virtually every organization interviewed is engaged in raising awareness of one or more of these social problems. In Chicago, these advocacy efforts center on the following issues: immigrant rights (29%), access to health and social services (21%), access to quality affordable housing (14%), and access to education (14%)]

It is truly interesting to see the various obstacles immigrants in America faces, and it’s hard to envision where they would be without the lobbying of nonprofit organization looking out for their well-being.

“The Political Incorporation of Immigrants, Then and Now”

I found this article to be very interesting because it made some claims that seem to go against what I had believed before reading it. Sometimes I wished Gerstle and Mollenkopf would give more reasoning to their claims or to the claims of the authors they discuss.

One idea that baffled me was Gleason’s idea of the American civic culture before the civil rights movement in his book “Sea Chnage in the Civic Culture of the 1960s”. This culture seems like the American Dream, but I don’t think people lost the American dream after the civil rights movement. If people no longer had dreams of equality, liberty, and individual opportunity when in America after the civil rights movement began, why would people bother coming to America? Also, during the time that this civic culture existed, the 1925 quotas were in place. I would think that these quotas would detract from this civic culture that Gleason talks about because it does not seem that the United States was very welcoming to immigrants before the Hart-Cellar Act. I wish Gerstle and Mollenkopf dove further into Gleason’s argument, so his argument made sense considering the laws that were in place.

Another interesting idea that I wish had been explained further is idea that Tyack discusses of schools emphasizing different ideas during different time periods in America. The first few time periods discussed make perfect sense. When the country was first born, teachers tried to get students to accept a republican form of government. Then when more ethnicities were introduced to the country, teachers tried to create a common culture and then when there were huge surges of immigrants teachers tried to Americanize the immigrant children. In the fourth wave there were progressive teachers who taught about different types of tolerance. I am confused on why Tyack believes that now teachers use school as “a form of human capital”, so students are taught more, so they can make money. What is specific about this current time period that is causing teachers to focus more on money rather than on creating good American citizens? Is it because immigration has been occurring for so long?

Distinguishing between the new immigrants and the new “new immigrants”

In the article, The Political Incorporation of Immigrants, Then and Now, Gary Gerstle and John Mollenkopf focus on two waves of immigration: one in from late 1880s to early 1930s and the second one, from mid 1900s to present day. In the earlier wave of immigration, most immigrants originated from Europe (mostly from Italy, Russia, Poland, Austria Hungary, Germany) and were basically “swept into” the blue-collar jobs (such as manufacturing) in America. According to the article, these immigrants’ children, who were born in the United States, overcame the economic crises of the Great Depression and the shaky political environment and eventually benefitted from the post World War II boom. The authors make a very interesting point by saying that the “line” between white protestants and the white Jewish or Catholics was blurred. And therefore, they were all now considered to be “white”.

The new “new immigrants” (as the authors call them) were part of the second wave of immigration and were labeled as “non whites”. Both the immigrants from the late 1880s and the new “new immigrants” settled in major cities like New York and gave that ethnic character to neighborhoods where a certain ethnic group was dominant. But the authors make the distinction that these new “new immigrants” were also highly professional and they did not enter the blue-collar job market unlike their predecessors. Instead, the more recent immigrants today are similar to the immigrants of the late 1880s and early 1900s due to their lack of English language skills and their lack of involvement in highly professional fields.

Also, according to the authors, the new “new immigrants” entered a more relaxed and multi-cultural society when compared to the new immigrants of the late 1800s and early 1900s. This relaxed and accepting environment was established partly due to the struggles of blacks against institutionalized discrimination. They also point out that America is more open to dual citizenship and the incoming of professional immigrants today than it was back in the early 1900s. A few weeks ago, in Michael Maly’s work, we read about the “Action Jackson” campaign and how it had an anti-immigrant agenda because they mostly targeted immigrant businesses in Jackson Heights. The authors even mention that the political environment did become very hostile towards immigrants in the mid-1990s. So although it is true that today’s society is a lot more diverse, this does not necessarily mean that the natives were “relaxed” about the non-white immigration into their neighborhood and easily accepted these new “new” immigrants into their society.

The Political Incorporation of Immigrants: How do we define ourselves?

Gary Gerstle and John Mollenkopf’s “The Political Incorporation of Immigrants, Then and Now” studies the similarities and differences between two waves of immigration (1880-1930 and post-1965 to present), and how, in turn, each wave has interacted with civil society and the political sphere.

What most caught my attention was Gerstle and Mollenkopf’s commentary on Laurie Olsen’s essay, which honed in on the role of the education system in the U.S., and how, as a formal government institution, schools influence how and to what extent immigrant children, or the U.S.-born children of immigrants, are accepted by society. Olsen based her study on students in a California high school in the 1990s, and aimed to get the most accurate account of the students experience by approaching the students themselves. Olsen made some interesting observations, the most prominent being that “civic education” has, according to student experience, “become synonymous with learning English.” Taking this into consideration, it appears that assimilation to American society, is, first and foremost, based on the ability to speak English.

Other aspects of “civic education, [which include] learning about democracy, opportunity, or civic rights or duties” are put on the back-burner, if taught at all. Instead, students, both consciously and unconsciously, are subject to racial tensions that fill the halls, galvanizing students into aligning themselves with a specific racial category. This discourages unity and assimilation and, instead, gives students the impression that they can only relate to those with the same racial background as them.

This case study of a Californian high school reminded me much of my own experience in high school. One question that would frequently surface within the first few minutes of meeting a person would be: “Where are you from?” Some people might address this question with “Oh, I’m from Astoria,” assuming that the person was inquiring to the area in which they reside. However, I could always make the safe assumption that the inquiry was to my background–which country am I from? To which, if I ever answered “American,” I would be met with scoffs and further pressed for where I’m really from. I found it interesting that, as the child of two immigrants who attended a high school also largely composed of first generation Americans, my experience was similar to that of students in California over twenty years ago. Though born in America–I made the choice to define myself by my parent’s country of origin–whether or not this is favorable is uncertain.

Immigrants

From the beginning, America has been a country of immigrants. Gary Gerstle and John Mollenkopf, in their article The Political Incorporation of Immigrants, Then and Now, critically analyze the transformation of immigrants as well as their involvement in politics. The authors note two specific eras of immigrants that share similar characteristics but are also different on some basic levels. The changes over the past century have lead to a transformation as to how immigrants and their progeny contribute to their community and their political involvement.

Gerstle and Mollenkopf describe what they call old immigrants and new immigrants, the former being mostly from Eastern Europe while the latter being mostly from Latin American countries. They bear many similarities, among them antagonism from native people and in the labor force. An interesting point the authors make was regarding the respective career paths of the two types of immigrants. Old immigrants became involved in specific work that, as a result, became ethnically distinctive, while new immigrants pursued jobs that involved unskilled labor. The two types of immigrants did not interact because of the obvious time gap and also because by the time new Latino immigrants came, the old immigrants already appeared less distinctive in society. As later noted, they had sacrificed their ethnic distinctiveness; they gained more acceptance into society but lost claims to their uniqueness. Immigrants may have felt that sending their children to public schools would smoothly incorporate them into society, but in reality they still had to deal with the reality of having a unique identity. Gerstle and Mollenkopf assert that now that Americans are more liberal, they are less hostile to new immigrants than they were to old ones. I disagree with this claim because there is still native-immigrant fighting, the only difference being that there is more government involvement toward promoting tolerance.

The immigrants themselves are not the ones who mostly take a role in politics and advocate for equality rights, but rather it is the second generation that feels responsible for doing this. They are involved in American politics, but some new immigrants are as involved in US events as they are in their native country. Those from the Dominican Republic, for example, have dual citizenship and can vote in both America and in the Dominican Republic. Such a powerful involvement with their homeland, Gerstle and Mollenkopf note, is actually more common in new immigrants than old immigrants. Upon reading this, I assumed that the connection must surely have been facilitated by the advent of technology, and not because of a deeper connection with their homeland. A question that popped into my head was: if email existed a century ago, would America’s economic relationship with various Eastern European countries be much stronger?

Effectiveness of Neighborhood Organizations Verses Local Community Boards

Roger Sanjek’s article begins with a summary of the overall demographics of the United States and projects the shift in demographics that would occur by 2080. He then delves into the specific neighborhood of Corona in Queens, New York and lays out the demographics in that area. Overall, there is a clear and consistent decrease in the white population while other ethnic group populations are increasing. The article presented the argument that the community board failed to meet the needs of the people in the neighborhood. However, organizations within the community, such as religious groups, succeeded where the community board had failed in providing for the residents of the neighborhood.  Tarry Hum’s article is much more specific in that it focuses on specifically two issues that arose in the neighborhoods Flushing in Queens, New York and Sunset Park in Brooklyn, New York. The article discusses the misperception of Asian immigrants as illegal immigrants and criminals in Flushing and zoning issues in Sunset Park. Hum presents an argument that is similar to Sanjek’s in that the community board fails to meet the needs of the residents in the neighborhood and organizations stepped in and was able to do what the community board could not.

The community board fails to meet the needs of the residents in the neighborhood because the demographics of the members on the board do not reflect the demographics of the overall neighborhood. As a result, the interests of the community board are not aligned with the interests of the neighborhood. This disparity in demographics prevents the community board from being able to fully understand the residents and their interests and needs may be misinterpreted or ignored. Organizations succeed in meeting the needs of the residents because they are a more accurate reflection of the demographics in the area. The members in the organization share similar values and problems as the people they serve. They know the interests the residents and also typically share similar interests. The effectiveness at which the community boards and neighborhood organizations meet the needs of the neighborhood residents depend on whether or not the interests of these groups are aligned with those of the residents.

Community Boards: Useful or Useless?

In Roger Sanjek’s article, Color-Full before Color Blind: The emergence of Multiracial Neighborhood Politics in Queens, New York CIty, Sanjek starts by examining how the United States are both changing dramatically. These two regions will no longer be comprised of primarily whites; there is a shift in the majority minority: African, Asian and Latino-Americans altogether make up a larger population than just whites. Sanjek then references Jane Jacobs and her vision that there would be “district-level political power…’big and powerful enough to fight City Hall’ ” a vision which seems to represent an ideal democracy. Sanjek did his research on the local level by studying and researching the Queens neighborhood of Elmhurst-Corona, specifically examining Community Board 4.

One of the first interactions for this community board was when the residents of Elmhurst-Corona met with the residents of Lefrak City, and from there, the community board came to represent the community. Indeed, reflected in its minutes, the community and the board expressed a negative attitude towards “‘welfare cases'” and “‘illegal aliens'”, general terms that were given African-Americans and Latino-Americans. Overall, Sanjek’s article takes on a positive view towards community boards, stating that “without a community board there would have been no public forum at which white, black, Latin American, and Asian leaders had a place to interact.”  Sanjek truly believes that it is through community boards that neighborhood and community issues can be resolved. In fact, community boards are essential because it brings together all the different ethnicities and viewpoints.

In Tarry Hum’s article, Planning in Neighborhoods with Multiple Publics: Opportunities and Challenges for Community-Based Nonprofit Organizations, Hum disagrees with Sanjek’s view on community boards, stating that they “often lack autonomy…and fail to promote the inclusion of disenfranchised community members such as immigrants.” Unlike Sanjek, Hum conducts her research in the neighborhoods of Sunset Park and Flushing, with Community Board 7.

Hum found that community boards, while perhaps a nice idea, “are constrained in their ability to act independently”. She gives several examples of board members that were removed because of their opposition: nine were removed for opposing Brooklyn Borough President Marty Markowitz. Hence, community boards are not there to serve the people, but rather, one person, or a small group of people in a community. Most importantly, she undercuts Sanjek’s argument that community boards were able to unite white, black, Latino and Asians by providing evidence that “community boards proved to be ineffective venues in mediating conflicts about race, capital, and neighborhood planning [in Flushing and Sunset Park]”.

While Sanjek argues that a community board has helped to unite the Elmhurst-Corona community in addressing several issues, Hum finds that such a situation never occurred, or has yet to occur in neighborhoods such as Sunset Park or Flushing.

Community Boards

Color-Full before Color Blind: The Emergence of Multiracial Neighborhood Politics in Queens, New York City by Roger Sanjek dissects how far diversity has come in the Elmhurst- Corona neighborhood. Sanjek refers Jacobs idea of the three levels of urban existence. The first being “the city as a whole,” the second being “the street neighborhood” and the last being “the district.” The article discusses the “majority minority” transition seen in many New York cities over the last 50 years. For Elmhurst- Corona, the threshold was broken in the 1970s when a previously 98% white population in 1960 turned into a 34% in 1980 and dropped to 18% in 1990.

Sanjek focused his fieldwork on Community Board 4. He attended 123 meetings and public hearings. In order to get a better sense of the community as a whole, Sanjek attended protest rallies, park openings, church services, as well as walking around the local parks. In the 1960s, the purpose of community boards was for “city budget recommendations, land use review and for monitoring the municipal service delivery.” Although the claim was for improvement, the community board in practice began with racist roots. In the Lefrak City Tennant Association, the blacks were referred to as “welfare cases” and immigrants as “people’s pollution.”

The board was unable to develop any ideas that could be implemented into the community. With no improvement and change, the community faced a decreased quality of life which came with an increased level of violence. It was clear that something must be done in order to combat violence. The community board decided it was finally time to work as one to decide what the community needed. Over time, the board began to represent most ethnic groups that made up the population and were able to meet the needs of the community.

Community Boards and Urban Governance in Immigrant Neighborhoods

In “Color-Full before Colorblind: The Emergence of Multiracial Neighborhood Politics in Queens, New York City”, Roger Sanjek follows Elmhurst-Corona on its transition to a “majority-minority” area.  Elmhurst-Corona underwent this transition in the 1970s, when the white population dropped from 98% to 67% and Latin Americans.  By 1990, 45% were Latin American, 26% were Asian, and 10% were black.  Many different ethnicities were mixed into the Elmhurst-Corona area that was once predominantly European.  With the increase of minorities in this district, there was an increase in minority participation in community boards and the issues that were brought up.  One issue that grabbed most residents’ attention was the removal of the police station on their block.  Lucy Schilero, an Italian born resident, went around her neighborhood to gather support to stop it from happening.  As Schilero describes who she gathered and wants to gather to go to the board meetings, it is clear that there is a variety of ethnicities that live in Elmhurst-Corona and that they have become so prevalent that they should be informed about community issues.  While the native European residents are more involved in community boards and issues, their support needs to be assisted with that of minorities.  Sanjek also found that it is the women of the community that usually formed an network of cross-racial ties in Elmhurst-Corona.  Chodorow finds that this is related to earlier ideas of socialization where women were identified as “relational” and men were identified as “positional”.  This means that women were more likely to form connections with other people, while men worked and sought hierarchal positions.  The fact that most female leaders that formed cross-racial groups were housewives who worked from home supports this theory.  They were more likely to go out and become involved with other people and seek others to become involved in the community than men were.

Solutions Outside of Community Boards

The Hum article discussed how community organizations have tried to fill the holes not filled by community boards. According to the article, even though Sunset Park is not a majority white, white people are the majority in community board 7. The article did not state whether this was the case in Flushing, but since the two community boards were grouped into the same paper maybe it is. The community boards do not create perfect space for talks about race relations and solutions to the issues between races are not created by some community boards. If one group that isn’t even the majority is too dominating, it must be very  difficult to complain about that group.

I found the KACF’s solution to race issues in Flushing to be such a smart and responsible first step. I admire the initiative that the KACF took after it saw all the racial tension, shown by the complaints written to the city council, that had been created after the building of the Korean spa. The KACF had already worked on solving race issues, when there was conflict between Koreans and blacks, so it made sense to lead a meeting involving problem solving with multiple ethnicities during this unstable time. In the meeting, community leaders from all different ethnicities present in Flushing could openly discuss what each group wanted. Some issues brought to the meeting were that businesses were not speaking enough English, law enforcement was not strong enough, and immigrants experienced discrimination. The community leaders were supposed to think of steps that could be made, so these issues were lessened.

According to the essay, meetings like this one could not be a one time thing, if they were going to have any positive affects. At the end of the meeting, participants did seem hopeful for future race relations in Flushing. I am interested in knowing what the actual results were after months or years of meeting. Even after the first meeting, with everybody’s complaints out in the open, tensions between these community leaders were probably lessened, but what about the general population that was not present at this meeting? Did community leaders report back to the communities? Also, were the issues discussed and solutions brainstormed brought to the community board meetings, so that the solutions could actually happen?

The Community Board: Color-Full before Color Blind?

Roger Sanjek’s article, “Color-Full before Colorblind: The Emergence of Multiracial Neighborhood Politics in Queens, New York City,” created a timeline of Queens Community Boards, particularly in the Elmhurst-Corona neighborhood. Originally a overwhelmingly white area known as Lefrak City, Elmhurst-Corona began to see an increase in minority residents during the 1970s, following the ban on restrictive covenants. Sanjek makes several interesting points to explain how the local politics shifted with the ethnographic populations.

A notable point is that this time period is also characterized by the city’s fiscal crisis, which really left Queens at a disadvantage; Sanjek even says that Manhattan was the “favored son.” WIth so many cuts to public services such as sanitation, libraries, schools, and fire departments, Queens citizens took it upon themselves to fight back, so to speak. Originally there were wardens who relayed grievances to the respective department or institution. Eventually, community boards grew out of this, and Sanjek timelines how these went from being solely white enterprises, but through gradual additions of Asians, Latinos, and African-Americans, community boards became as multiethnic, or “color-full,” as the community itself.

Another interesting point is how the shift to being more diverse coincided with a shift in gender as well. Sanjek relays how more women contributed to creating a “network of cross-racial ties in Elmhurst-Corona” and how this is attributed to socialization and gender characterization (this reminded me to Gilligan’s In a Different Voice-different moralities between genders). However, I find that Lucy Schilero put it best by saying, “…we have to live with one another or we won’t survive.” This statement rings true for all neighborhoods and perhaps Elmhurst-Corona can be a model for a well-functioning, multiracial community engaged in local politics.

Contrastingly, the Hum article, “Planning in Neighborhoods with Multiple Publics: Opportunities and Challenges for Community-Based Nonprofit Organizations,” exposes the downfalls of community boards, in particular their inability to reconcile class and racial differences. Often community board members aren’t representative of the community because it requires a generous portion of time to partake in such an activity. Many lower-class and immigrant citizens have to work, often long hours, to support their families, so they do not have the luxury to give up ample amounts of time to sit on a community board. Therefore, many community boards consist of privileged white folks who do not necessarily have the interests of minorities or the poor in mind.

The Importance of the Community Board

In his article Color-Full before Color Blind: The Emergence of Multiracial Neighborhood Politics in Queens, New York City, Roger Sanjek analyzes the development of Elmhurst-Corona over the years, specifically highlighting the immense diversity that has played a key role in the interracial political collaboration on the community board level. Known for its significant “majority-minority” shift, Elmhurst-Corona today bears no resemblance to its previous state of exclusive whiteness. It is no longer homogenous, as is evident by the progress that the community board has experienced. In fact, Sanjek develops the idea that the community board is essentially a microcosm for the state of Elmhurst-Corona and of the minority groups that live there.

Initially those from Lefrak City Tennant Association, who were mostly white, were invited to the Community Board. During one of the meetings, they referred to blacks as “welfare cases”. While this offensive reference was highly inaccurate, it was not the sole instance of derogatory slander toward minorities; the white chairman referred to immigrants as “people’s pollution”.

The community board, with its racist and myopic outlook, did not solve any problems, and with the onset of financial problems in the area, the situation in Elmhurst-Corona deteriorated. The quality of life worsened dramatically as crime skyrocketed. This violence was thus the impetus that the community board required to facilitate camaraderie by working together and putting their differences aside- or rather, bringing their differences to the table and embracing the cultural diversity. Both literally and figuratively, the community board was beginning to shape up. For example, Lucy Schilero, an Italian, began interacting with and befriending those of different nationalities, eventually forming a coalition. This played a vital role in the development of the community board because there were now ways of establishing change through petitions as well as focusing on important topics at the meetings. Over time, the Community Board more accurately reflected the diversity within Elmhurst-Corona; churches, Koreans and Latin Americans also joined in order to have a say. Women particularly played an important role in the community board because they created a pathway for all different peoples to join in. As leadership members, the women also decided on what projects to focus on, such as education.

In one sentence, Sanjek essentially summarizes the entire argument of the article: “Without a community board there would have been no public forum at which white, black, Latin American, and Asian leaders had a place to interact (769)”. The community board functioned as a means of bringing a variety of people together who otherwise would have remained separate, or worse, combative. Elmhurst-Corona was not always intended to be the heterogeneous area that it is today. Yet the community board transformed Elmhurst-Corona’s diversity into a boon and thus helped shape the area into the unique place it is today.

Community Boards of New York: Political Placebos?

In both the articles by Sanjek and Hum, the focus was on the histories, roles, and realities of some of New York City’s community boards. What struck me the most about both articles was how seemingly powerless and therefore ineffective the community boards were. In principle, these groups give power to the communities that they represent by providing a public forum where residents can voice their concerns. In practice, they hold no real leverage over the city or even over their respective borough presidents. There have been cases where if appointed community board members were outspoken against the agenda of their borough president, those board members were removed. Effectively, they are subject to the whims of those who appoint them, and there is nothing in place to protect them from being removed. Since their suggestions for funding or legislation are just that – merely suggestions – they do not hold any real political power.

The power has always and will always rest in the hands of the people. Yes, legislators are really the ones with power, but they are elected by the people. Also, the residents of a neighborhood will always know best what that neighborhood needs, so it is best that the change in that neighborhood is facilitated by its residents. This is a commonality between both articles – where the community boards failed to initiate change, local nonprofit organizations succeeded, or at least did better than the community boards in their efforts.

It is possible for these organizations to do this because they are not appointed and cannot be silenced or defunded in any simple way by the city. They raise the money on their own terms. This is just speculation, but there is also a feeling that since these organizations revolve around community and philanthropy instead of politics, they are more inviting and approachable to the public. Another benefit of these community based nonprofits is that there are many, each based on a different constituency or issue. Even though some of these organizations are centered around a particular constituency, they often work to change neighborhoods for the better, not just for that group but for all residents. The whole of these groups together better reflects the demographics of the communities they represent compared to the community boards. In dynamic and diverse neighborhoods such as Elmhurst-Corona and Flushing, new groups will continue to form even as older ones diminish in power, with each new group bringing its own support and resources to the community. This process of renewal and inclusion is what members of the community boards can only wish to have.

Color-Full before Color Blind

In his paper Color-Full before Color Blind: The Emergence of Multiracial Neighborhood Politics in Queens, New York City, Roger Sanjek provides a multi-faceted account of the multi-racial demographic development and political and communal integration of Elmhurst-Corono between 1983 and 1996. Sanjek starts out with a general explanation of the the “demographic transition” that has stimulated much of the racial dynamics in Elmhurst-Corona and then proceeds to discuss some of the inter-racial tensions and misconceptions that plagued the early diverse communities. Sanjek has discovered a general pattern to the conflicts: prejudice fueled misinformation is propagated by local media outlets.  The misinformation is then corrected and addressed by local (usually minority) community representatives who then involve the community in practically addressing any problems.

Sanjek gives a wide perspective on the work and influence of individuals on communal life, both within and outside a political framework. These notable individuals step outside racial, cultural, and ethnic lines and act as community “wardens”. Sanjek notes the efficiency of these wardens in influencing the community from a intra-residential unit level to a communal wide scope, transversing perceived cultural and linguistic boundaries. Activities of these sometimes self-appointed or communally elected “wardens” range from providing translation services to mediating disputes between land lords a tenants.

In general, Sanjek’s paper can be divided into four sections according to explicitly or implicitly delineated advantages of inter-racial community and political partnership. The first of these advantages is most obviously, political. Most obviously, because there is strength in numbers; but also, because politics seem to function more efficiently when irrational prejudices and conflict are thrown aside. The second benefit is personal. In a nutshell: people’s personal lives are enriched when they live an environment that enables and encourages flourishing inter-racial friendships. Sanjek lists a number of instances in which people’s political and communal alliances led to deep personal friendships further down the line. The benefit of these inter-racial friendships cannot be measured in terms of political power or fiscal growth, and yet, their value, implied by Sanjek, is immeasurably high. The third benefit of inter-racial partnership is economic growth. Long time residents help recent immigrants establish, maintain, and grow new businesses. The fourth advantage is that of religious institutions. For those religious institutions willing to adapt and welcome new immigrants, there was a vast pool of opportunity for congregational growth.

In short, Sanjek provides a detailed and orderly account of the development and growth of the Elmhurst-Corona community  from it’s mono-ethnic Western-European origins, to it’s diverse (“color full”) yet segregated ( not “color blind”) community, to it’s state today as a richly diverse and integrated community that harnesses it’s racial diversity to grow politically, communally, economically, and personally.

Color Full Before Color Blind (Community Boards)

In his article “Color-full before Color Blind: The Emergence of Multiracial Neighborhood Politics in Queens, New York City” Roger Sanjek highlights the demographic transition that the United States is presently experiencing. According to the article, by 2080 the proportion of whites is expected to fall to 50% from 74% and by 2035 only 49% of children under 18 will be white. This astounded me, the fact that in just a few decades the United States will no longer be the diverse and cross-racial country that it is presently known for. What astounded me even more is the consequence thats such an issue can bring for our country. According to Sanjek, with the majority of white living in suburban and gated communities, and with African Americans, Latin Americans, and Asians only choosing to work with people of their ethnicity, our society will be “doomed to political ineffectiveness”.  As a result, sanitation services, mass transit, parks and institutions such as public schools and hospitals will not be able to provide residents with the best service possible.

In the article Sanjek discusses how a possible way to prevent this kind of issue is to ensure the participation of residents of different backgrounds and ethnicies in political activism. This could aid in ensuring that all perspectives are represented and to minimize conflicts between people of different ethnic groups in order to solve problems that affect the “quality of life” of Elmhurst and Corona residents. One of the individuals that Sanjek mentions that has helped in increasing the political activism of Elmhurst and Corona residents is Haydee Zambrana.  According to Sanjeks article, in 1978 Zambrana moved to Elmhurst Corona and met with other Latin Americans who were also concerned about the lack of Hispanic representation in Queens politics. In 1980 she formed the Ciudadanos Conscientes de Queens or Concerned Citizens of Queens. She went on to referring people to government agencies,processing citizenship applications and by 1986, her staff began providing vocational training, English classes and seminars to business proprietors. However what stood out to me the most were her succeeding efforts to increase Latin American membership in CB4. In 1986 she went to to the Mayor’s Commission on Hispanic Concerns and stated, “My priority is to help the Hispanic community become part of the American political process.” By 1985, Latin American membership in CB4 doubled from 3 to 6.

I related to this particular part of the reading, not only because I am also a Latin American citizen living in New York City,  but because of the previous articles that our class has discussed concerning the Latin American community. One of the main factors that I focused on for my class presentation was the lack of Latino participation in politics. This article interested me because not only did it touch on this issue, but it also provided the reader with an idea of what kind of consequences can occur if people of different ethnicities are not properly represented in community boards. The article closes by stating that we, as residents of New York City should find strength in numbers and this is a statement that I agree with. How can we manage to solve the problems that affect our quality of life if we do not work and cooperate with not only people of our race, but people of other cultures that make up the diverse country of the United States?

Disproving misconceptions, Increasing immigrant political involvement

In his article, Color-full before Color Blind: The Emergence of Multiracial Neighborhood Politics in Queens, New York City, Roger Sanjek talks about the “majority minority” transition in Elmhurst-Corona during the 1970s. A part of his study, which began in 1982, documents the political involvement of Latino and Asian immigrants in Elmhurst-corona. Previously, we read about the various immigrants vs. whites conflicts. Sanjek not only focuses on these conflicts but he also disproves some of the negative misconceptions about immigrants and Blacks. For example, many white residents of Corona thought that Lefrak City was full of “welfare cases” and therefore, it automatically became an undesirable place to live in. However, Sanjek uses data that proves that this is not true mainly because the blacks that lived in Lefrak city actually earned more than their white neighbors in Corona. Also, many white residents considered immigrants to be “people pollution” and “illegal aliens”. However, by conducting a survey, Sanjek found that many of these immigrants were visa holders, permanent residents or naturalized citizens.

In his talk at the Asian American Center at Queens College, Professor Vattamala talked about how districts sometimes get divided in an uneven way. Some of the ethnically saturated areas get split up and therefore; these ethnic groups are not accurately represented and their needs are not met. However, this situation did not occur in Elmhurst-Corona during the mid 1980s. As we have read and discussed in class before, new immigrants are not usually active in politics due to several reasons (such as discrimination based on race or ethnicity). Looking at the examples presented by Sanjek, it is important to notice that in order to bring attention to issues that matter to immigrants, a representative (usually from the same race that he or she is representing) is needed to encourage immigrants to get involved in politics. For example, Haydee Zambrana, a Puerto Rican, worked to provide services for non-English speakers from Latin America. It was remarkable to see that when Zambrana joined community board 4 in 1984, Latin American membership also doubled. The Korean American Association of Mid-Queens also increased Korean involvement in politics by successfully registering 6000 Korean voters in 1996. By looking at this increase in political involvement, it was interesting to see how such activism can help uplift immigrants by prompting them to voice their opinion in places and be a part of the decision making processes regarding their communities.

More links re: Roosevelt Revival

from Professor Hum:

Below please find additional links to the media coverage of CC Ferreras’ Roosevelt Avenue revival plan. I think the proposed Jackson Heights-Corona Business Improvement District may be a good way to link our two neighborhood studies — http://jhcoronabid.org/.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pcF414FTEco

http://queenscourier.com/2013/new-deal-to-improve-roosevelt-avenue/

http://www.timesledger.com/stories/2013/12/rooseveltplan_tl_2013_03_22_q.html

http://www.dnainfo.com/new-york/20130319/corona/pols-unveil-proposal-revitalize-roosevelt-avenue/slideshow/360945

Daily News article about “Roosevelt Revival” 3/20/13

 

3 of 989 DOCUMENTS

 

 

 

Daily News (New York)

 

March 20, 2013 Wednesday

SPORTS FINAL REPLATE EDITION

 

Roosevelt revival Plan unveiled to improve quality of life on gritty avenue

 

BYLINE: BY CLARE TRAPASSO NEW YORK DAILY NEWS

 

SECTION: QUEENS NEWS; Pg. 36

 

LENGTH: 388 words

 

A MAJOR Queens thoroughfare that has long been plagued by prostitution, crime and garbage is getting a makeover.

City Councilwoman Julissa Ferreras unveiled a comprehensive “New Deal” plan on Tuesday to transform gritty and congested Roosevelt Ave., which runs under an expanse of the elevated 7 train, into a more businesses- and pedestrian-friendly corridor.

“Our community deserves better,” said Ferreras (D-East Elmhurst). “If we’re able to improve the quality of life, that’s how we’re going to be able to squeeze out the crime.”

Under the plan, the Roosevelt Ave. corridor, which stretches from 82nd St. to 114th St. in Corona and Elmhurst, is receiving additional garbage bins and more than double the number of sanitation pickups. It will also soon have new lighting and video cameras installed to dissuade would-be criminals.

A pedestrian plaza, complete with tables and chairs, was also created over the summer at Roosevelt Ave. and 103rd St. Cultural events are held there in the warm weather.

“It made the community brighter,” Ferreras said of the area once known for prostitution, overflowing garbage cans and illegal vendors. “We wanted to make a difference in the quality of life.”

Seth Bornstein, executive director of the Queens Economic Development Corp., which helped to create the plaza, said it “creates a little downtown hub.”

“When there are more people shopping, there’s less crime,” he said. “If you keep an area clean and safe, the undesirables don’t want to be there.”

Local landlord David Rosero, who owns property along Roosevelt Ave., said the improvements will help combat the glut of illegal street vendors and sex workers in the neighborhood.

“The property values, the quality of life will improve,” he said.

Fellow Roosevelt Ave. landlord Ralph Aeillo said he was excited about all of the changes – in particular a rezoning to make it easier for merchants to upgrade their businesses.

After a 2006 fire wiped out eight of Aeillo’s storefronts on Roosevelt Ave., he struggled to get permits to rebuild.

“There were problems here,” said Aeillo, whose site is now under construction.

Queens Borough President Helen Marshall said she’s pleased by the transformation she’s seeing in an area once “in bad shape.”

“This place is really coming up,” Marshall said. “It’s coming up beautifully.”

ctrapasso@nydailynews.com

 

LOAD-DATE: March 20, 2013

 

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

 

GRAPHIC: Queens Councilwoman Julissa Ferreras discusses a plan to revive the Roosevelt Ave. corridor. Anthony DelMundo

 

PUBLICATION-TYPE: Newspaper

 

 

Copyright 2013 Daily News, L.P.