This week’s readings for the last few chapters of “Blood Relations” by Irma Watkins- Owens were especially helpful in allowing me to understand the subtle nuances of life for early 20th century blacks- immigrant or otherwise- in Harlem. Watkins-Owens’ insights into the aspects of daily life such as religion, fraternal societies, political strains among groups, were extremely detailed. At times, this made the work dense but overall, Watkins-Owens’ attention to the details of the smallest matters helped to bolster and contrast her writings on the global context of the situation for West Indian immigrants before 1930. The author’s attention to detail also helps to foster her initial thesis which, as stated in the introduction, is that there was a great deal more heterogeneity in the community of Harlem in the early 1900s than most are willing to admit. As a reader, I feel that everything Watkins-Owens says is meant to reinforce the idea that there were many hues to black life.
The most impactful illustration of this point can be seen in chapter 4 where the writer discusses the social and religious institutions that defined members of society and divided them into a hierarchy based on political and social clout. On page 56, Watkins-Owens writes “Membership [in the right social group] usually conferred a large, automatic constituency for any one aspiring to leadership… Women’s axillaries also conferred prestige if not power.” Here we clearly see that influence in the Harlem society could only be achieved if one was joined with a prestigious social group of fraternity. The crucial point here is that these social groups were often divided along the lines of ethnicity and sex. For example, the West Indian Ladies Aid Society and societies like it focused their energy toward the advancement of a specific sect of the society. Though living in a single community, southern and West Indian blacks sought to preserve their individual heritages and resisted assimilation into an “every one is black” homogeny.
Because of this need to maintain one’s own cultural identity while attempting to establish roots in a new country, movements that called for the generalized mobilization of the people of Harlem were seldom successful. The most shining example of this is seen in Marcus Garvey’s “Back to Africa” movement. Though I will not explore the specific details of this movement, I find a discussion on Garvey’s historical impact most intriguing. It is clear that by attempting to separate from the bondage of American society and establish a black utopia in Africa Garvey is suggesting a more radical approach to W.E.B. Du Bois’ adamant stance on upward mobility in the black community. Du Bois believed in seeing blacks succeed inside of the established society (i.e. America) without having to assimilate or be seen as second-rate citizens. These schools of thought diverge in terms of their approach and desired outcomes but they converge on desire to see people of color thrive in the same spheres as their white counterparts.
An even more radical approach to this principle is later echoed through the voice of Malcolm X who, during his speech on the “Black Powder Keg,” caused blacks to see themselves as needing to revolt against American society. What is this ideal that these great men were seeking by hoping for their own spot in American soil? Perhaps their radical and outspoken pleas for equality were all made in the name of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
