“West indian Migration to New York”
The last four decades have engendered the largest west indian migration to New York. In numbers, about half a million west indians have emigrated to New York since 1965. Furthermore, the West Indian population is in fact the largest immigrant group in New York State. This massive West Indian population even exceeds that of actual caribbean islands. However, as overwhelming in numbers as they are, West Indians are still identified as black and thus they played a role in the civil rights movement in the United States. As we learned too, West Indians not only played roles in their new land, but also maintained transnational ties.
The reasons behind West Indian immigration are abundant. In many Caribbean Islands, there are “scarce resources, overpopulation, high unemployment, and underemployment.” Thus, West Indians, like any other people would, looked abroad for a better economic life. West Indians who could traveled abroad to many countries, but conclusively, the main place of attraction was New York City. By 1998, 8% of New York city’s massive population was West Indian, or about 600,000 West Indians. The reasons behind New York’s success as a West Indian attraction stretch back to when steamships brought goods, specifically fruit, from Caribbean Islands. Along with the fruit came West Indians who settled in the city, and as we have learned, began setting up immigrant networks that brought family and friends over from the home island. Furthermore, New York offered economic opportunity and was itself an attraction for all immigrants. Although, New York wasn’t all that perfect, with the underlying racism and prejudice that existed.
West Indians immigrants continue coming to New York City today. However, these West Indians are not coming from what were British Colonies. Rather, they are coming from more Americanized and modern places. Also, they are no longer arriving in the same New York City locations. Previously, West Indians arrived in the black capital of America: Harlem. Now however, West Indians are settled in Brooklyn, specifically in the areas of Flatbush and Crown Heights.
After the Civil Rights movement, West Indians migrating to New York had access to better jobs and education. One would think that these immigrants would take advantage of that and use it to be a part of the political spectrum. Rather, research has shown that these West Indians died down their Caribbean-ness and settled down as part of the black population. Today however, things are different as West Indian immigrants embrace their culture and background. They also use that culture in the political arena to impact both their districts in New York and the elections in their home island.
The political ties New York West Indians have with their homeland falls under the transnational category. Transnational ties existed at the moment West Indians landed foot in their new land. These ties included sending back goods, money, and even children for education or cultural experience. Today, these ties continue, but what’s more is that they are much easier to achieve due the transporting and communication technologies that exist. However, just because they exist, doesn’t mean everyone has access to them. There are are still poor and undocumented immigrants that cannot participate in visiting or sending goods to the homeland. However, phoning relatives and friends in other countries in nearly widespread to every West Indian immigrant as the medium is cheap and easily accessible. Furthermore, political associations with Caribbean has today been facilitated through transportation and communication technologies. Political bases in New York can keep in contact with the headquarters in the Caribbean islands. Politicians can even take a short trip by plane to New York City to attend fundraisers or events for their own political party. Let us not forget that the immigrants living in New York still hold a Caribbean nationality and can participate in elections.
Caribbean networks in New York stretch beyond political associations however, with unofficial institutions founded in New York that raise money and support for projects in the Caribbean home island. There are also family networks which we learned about in class that help bring over family members from the Caribbean islands as the settled immigrants prepare employment and shelter.
Of Course, there is always some problems with immigrants coming to a country. With West Indians, that problem is racism. After the civil rights movements, there was less racism against blacks. However, racism was still existent. First and foremost, West Indians found themselves as being grouped in with African Americans, although the two groups were quite distinct. Furthermore, West Indians found that whites continued to discriminate against them through small examples. For instance, young black males found that women would clutch ther handbags when walking by. Furthermore, West Indians experience discrimination in real estate. Many times, West Indians are driven into black neighborhoods by real estate owners. Thus, they remain segregated from whites. Also, these neighborhoods are much worse off than white neighborhoods. By worse, the book refers to less upkeep, schools, and local economies. Research has found that West Indians coming to America have found themselves being aware of race for the first time. This is because the society groups them as “black,” while in their homelands, no such labeling was present. This angers many Caribbean islanders and is a large factor of the racism existing in New York City. This labeling leads to West Indians trying to distance themselves from blacks by holding onto their Caribbean culture and ethnicity.
Furthermore, this association with African Americans has led to constant comparisons between the two groups’ economic successes. Such comparisons only bear down stress on the identity of many West Indians. Second generation West Indianers are seen to be more linked to their Caribbean background as to maintain a sense of uniqueness in a place where they are constantly mislabeled. However, researchers believe that this identity crisis will soon be resolved. This is due to the belief that as West Indians continue coming into New York City, they will be gaining more prominence and become more “visible” in society.
“New York as a Locality in a Global Family Network”
New York City was the place to be for West Indian immigrants in the 1960’s migrations. This was because New York offered many chances for employment and social mobility, but also because there was already a settled west Indian neighborhood that consisted of families who attracted their relatives. The migration process to New York was completed when immigrants were completely incorporated into the American Society. One result of this of process is that immigrants will assimilate to the foreign society, but only partially. This is because the immigrants continue to hold on to their past culture and form a transnational identity. As the article states, “the present-day Caribbean population of New York is integrated into a transnational sociocultural system that is only partially grounded in American soil.”
In this reading, three family networks are analyzed. These networks are composed of individuals of Caribbean origin that had the same ancestors. Through the generations, the family became scattered throughout the world. For example, some family members lived in the Barbados while others in the Virgin Islands. New York played a role in this family network because it was a point of movement throughout the family. This family network had roots in Jamaica. The parents, William and Marie, were born in a seaport and was a small village, respectively. Together they had eight children. The parent’s roots however, weren’t completely of Jamaican descent. Marie’s paternal grandfather was from Portugal and William’s paternal grandfather moved from Scotland to Jamaica. This created a unique family network that had roots in European and Caribbean.
Marie and William valued a good education. Thus, they worked hard to earn money so that they could send their children to private schools. When Marie and William began struggling financially in Jamaica, they sent their children. The children traveled under the sponsorship of other relatives and were sent to America. In America, the children pursued a greater education than the one they could find back in Jamaica. Bill, one of the children , was under a great deal of pressure from his family because he was going to New York to become a doctor. A doctor position was a prominent position that was seen as a high point because it would raise the status of the Jamaican family. Marie and William had viewed profession over commerce, which is understandable because a profession required a strong education that was rare to find in Jamaica.
New York was initially a place to go where families could find better educational and economical opportunities. However, it has changed to becoming more family orientated. In New York, many West Indian formed strong neighborhoods, specifically in Brooklyn where the whites slowly moved out to allow blacks to move into neighborhoods like Flatbush and Crown Heights. In this area’s, Caribbean communities bustled. Some of the children lived in New York, for example Marie. Meanwhile others, moved between both Jamaica and New York like Kathy. No matter however, in New York, the family surrounded itself with close relatives and friends whom were from the same niche back in Jamaica.
After some time, many of the younger generations began moving out of New York due to either family tragedy or in pursuit of a different education. Only a few remained in New York, for example Doreen. Meanwhile, Bill returned to Jamaica while his mother visited her children in many different parts of the world. This microstudy of a Jamaican family highlights the extensive family network that could be formed by West Indians. Such networks are usually overlooked by historians and thus the author is trying to highlight the se unknown trends of Caribbean migration.
“Trust Networks in Transnational Migrations”
75% of all remittences in Latin America and the Caribbean come from America. These numbers arise from the vast number of recent immigrants who send remittences to family back home. These remittences are valued to be worth billions and literally run some country’s economies. This underlies that migration isn’t a one way ticket, and that immigrants seek to maintain ties with their homes, many times through economic means. These transnational economic ties are founded of course, upon trust. The economic stream of funds must hold trust in all participants to send remittences and that is the focus of this paper. These trust networks do much more than thinks. The remittences sent home not only fund family life, but businesses, child rearing, and religious and political commitment. Furthermore, these trust networks hold a certain risk in that those relying on remittences must believe that their oversees relatives will be able to send funds so that they can survive. Thus, these networks consist of strong ties as one group places its survival on the hard work of another. But, there is a distinction in one group’s survival, because it isn’t literal survival but rather one group is placing its children’s future or business in the hands of another. Trust networks have of course existed over thousands of years. But these were usually in the forms of institutions like churches. Never before have trust networks existed over such a number a of dispersed groups. However, both yield the same successful results.
The remittences gained from these trust networks have a great impact on their destination. An example was used of a small Mexican village (Ticuani) that relies on the constant flow of immigrants and remittences to maintain its growth, progression, and survival. Ticuanese New Yorkers all fulfill their immigrant obligations “by means of financial contributions
channeled to Mexico through a powerful New York-based committee of
emigrants.” These remittences were obliged by everyone, as institutions were formed to maintain those who did not pay in the U.S. did not receive the benefits in Ticuani. The second generation Ticuanese in New York however did not maintain as a strong a tie with their home town village, as expected. However, they still continued the flow of remittences. In the long run, there is speculation that such systems where one group in another country will directly fund their hometown will continue to exist, expand and multiply.
Another example was presented with Salvadorians in New York and El Salvador. On both sides of the immigrant spectrum, ties were maintained and remittences sent. Children were also moved between both places to maintain both cultures. Thus, Salvadorians rely on trust networks with immigrant friends and relatives. A questioner done on spanish immigrants further propelled the idea of trust networks when almost all participants claimed to prioritize sending remittences back home to support their families.
Thus, trust networks are both generous and obligatory. People who failed to send remittence were shunned and shamed by family and friends back home. Furthermore, shunned members of the networks lost the insurance a trust network holds in helping every member in need. Thus, trust networks are more than an obligation, but a necessity. This specifically applies to children who are constantly sent by their parents to America where they rely on members of a trust network to fund their stay and education, as given by the example of the Mendoza’s in San Diego.
