West Indian Migration to New York by Nancy Foner
I found that Foner’s introduction was a great recap to the topic of transnationalism. In it, she not only provides an adept “overview” of the West Indian migration to New York City, but also dives into the two large themes of race and transnationalism. Like other readings that we tackled, Foner mentions that many West Indians initially traveled to the US in search of a better life, a life that was not available in their country of origin. New York, being a center of trade (she specifically mentions bananas and tourism), opened its doors to many immigrants. Once various networks were established, immigrants were steadily coming in until they met obstacles due to legislation and the depression. Interestingly, she goes on to mention the comparison of previous West Indian migrations to the modern wave that started after 1965. The communities are dramatically different, with NYC currently having a much larger black population, and today’s Caribbean peoples not coming from British colonialism. West Indian populations have extended out of Harlem and Brooklyn into the Bronx and southern Queens.
Foner then focuses on “Transnational Ties,” where she immediately turns to Watkins-Owens to detail the trust that exists within remittances, and the importance women have played in migrating families. She notes two important factors that allow these ties to maintain strength: technology and communication. Technology allows for faster and easier travel, while contact via telephones allowed migrants to get the latest news and even “participate in family discussions” (8). Many immigrants were also active in the political realm, not only within New York City but also within the Caribbean. Some even used their political pull in New York to provide aid to their native village or town. She discusses how Ticuani immigrants, who were later discussed in Olwig’s article, were able to raise over $100,000 for a pipe system. The idea of maintaining transnational ties helps redefine the apparently stereotypical image of immigrants, where they leave an oppressive country, cut any ties necessary, and move to America in search of opportunity. Possibly since I grew up in a family that has maintained a strong transnational network, I never had this view of immigrants. Yet Foner, and also the other readings we have examined, clearly dissects the process of establishing these transnational networks and their benefits.
Foner finally moves on to discourse the themes of race and ethnicity. She notes how modern Caribbean immigrants face a lower level of discrimination than earlier immigrants. This particularly exists among young black Caribbean men, who face discrimination for whites and police officers. One interesting thing she discusses is the notion of being “black” that is enforced on Caribbean immigrants when they enter America. The idea of being black only refers to certain peoples within the Caribbean (for example in Jamaica it refers mostly to impoverished, darker skinned people). Yet, in New York City nearly every West Indian immigrant was simply considered black.
New York as a Locality in a Global Family Network by Karen Olwig
In her article, Olwig takes the idea of transnational ties and analyzes it through a specific family. Her style of approach is via direct interview questions, as opposed to being a fly on the wall. Her questions focused on the family’s history, and their experiences and reasons for emigrating from Jamaica. The family’s main reason for emigrating was to pursue opportunities that were not available within Jamaica. This did not necessarily mean migrating to the United States, as one of the sons, Henry, left for Great Britain to join the RAF. It was an already established kinship network that brought the son Bill to New York. Bill migrated in order to pursue his academic and professional goals of becoming a doctor. Although his dreams did not come to fruition, he made a decent career for himself. He is representative of the ideal of many Caribbean parents hoping to send their children to a different country in order to live a better life (having transnational ties allows this to be possible).
Once the entire family migrated, they ended up living in the same neighborhood within Brooklyn. Their social life was similar to the one they held in Jamaica: a tight, knit family, living within close proximity of each other. Cousins became more like siblings, and the family met often for various occasions. Having this close relations within the family led to the creation of trust and further strengthen the kinship network. Even when the family began to disperse, domestically and internationally, they kept in touch via modern forms of communication.
Within the new neighborhood the family met several instances of racism and discrimination. White people began to move out, fearing that the property values of their homes would drop with the influx of the new population. Racism even existed strongly within the schools, and molded immigrants from a young age. In terms of education, the parents were mostly in charge, and strongly suggested the path in which their children would choose. These paths too were affected by discrimination. When one daughter, Kathy, decided to become a daughter, her mother clearly reminded her that American Ballet at the time was a strictly white profession. She instead offered a job with more stability and possible economic benefits.
One thing to note is the general deterioration over time of the neighborhoods that house these influxes of immigrants. At first the family noted the pristine state in which the neighborhood was kept when they first arrived. Yet, as the whites began to move out, these areas became redlined. The neighborhood, having lost economic interest, and the failure of the black community to unite under a single political force, eventually decayed. As one member put it, it has gone “drug crazy… in the dark you must look over your shoulder all the time” (153).
Despite the opportunities that New York had to offer, many family members had left. Mostly the second-generation, who have built up their economic and social foundation, were able to move out to other states and countries. Some even felt that they truly did not fit in (i.e. Bill), lacking a true social connection within New York, and decided to return to Jamaica.
Trust Networks in Transnational Migration by Charles Tilly
In his article, Tilly focuses on the importance of trust that defines transnational networks and the effects of remittances. Remittances are key for the families of immigrant who remained in the motherland. In 2004, as Tilly notes, 69% of the $182 billion of remittances went to developing countries.
The interesting idea of trust networks is that they can only exist with stakes. Although being kin or part of an organization are initially signs of a trust network, Tilly argues, “Trust consists of playing valued outcomes at risk of others’ malfeasance, mistakes or failures” (7). Once again, Tilly notes that these networks are based on communication, and handle the flow of goods and services. Risks exist in long distance migration, as Tilly says, yet the existence of a trust network mitigates those risks.
Remittances go hand in hand with trust networks. It can help reorganize the wealth and power of the native people, reform their lives (possibly to a point where they are solely dependent on remittances), and even create new trust networks. This was the case of the Ticuani people from Mexico. Once again, this is the case where a New York organization of Ticuani immigrants was able to raise enough money, notably more than the local government was able to, in order to create a new pipe system. After this occurred, however, the Ticuani immigrants continued to remain in contact with their homeland. The payed specific taxes, and even sent their children to visit. The Salvadoran immigrants are a similar case. They utilized viajeros, or people who frequently traveled between two countries. These viajeros were able to transport remittances, which were usually “goods, money or information.”
One point I found interesting is that certain families become molded around trust networks and remittances. It comes to a point where they teach their children to “praise” those who send remittances. It was noted how children would anxiously take trips to the post office, hoping for some money or a letter. It does not stop there however; these children would then go on to imagine a day where they too can send remittances to their home country.
Tilly ends off on a strong note. He displays how lacking a trust network opens immigrants up to a variety of obstacles. Specifically they have no safety net, socially or economically.
