This week’s media seemed to focus upon two forms of cultural expression that have gotten a rather bad rap here in the United States. People, especially those coming from areas with radically differing ideas on how to express cultural identity and community, often tend to assign negative connotations to things they don’t understand. It’s not particularly difficult to understand why people react negatively to rara and vodou. Think about it, I doubt anyone in this class has had any significant experiences with either of these two Haitian forms of expression. What I know (re: knew) about vodou centered around black magic and witchcraft. Thanks to this class my misconceptions have been cleared up but I have a feeling that the majority of Americans haven’t taken a Caribbean studies class.

So, starting with the documentary we watched, rara’s roots are largely unknown. What IS known however is that rara is meant to be a spontaneous musical celebration of Haitian culture and African heritage. Little is universal about this “genre” (I don’t know if this is a genre or not) except that the lyrics are always sung in Haitian Creole. Makes sense, why would it be sung in English? Or French even? Rara can take on many different tones with regards to the lyrics. The songs could be an endorsement of a political candidate or a harsh commentary of the state of Haiti. What I found interesting is that before rara became more of a spectacle or performance people were welcome to jump in whenever. I like that sort of spontaneity, it’s kinda like it’s encapsulating all of that energy into an unscripted performance. While the music itself doesn’t speak to me I can appreciate a community coming together to put on an impromptu show. It reminds me much of when I was in my mothers home town in rural Italy. Every saturday many of the townsfolk would come together and put on a musical performance in the piazza centrale (I don’t know the English equivalent of this, maybe town square?).

Moving right along to vodou, I will reiterate that I held ignorant beliefs regarding the practice. I have no shame in admitting that, I had no idea what it was all about three days ago. Much like rara, traditional vodou is another form of cultural expression that has it’s roots in African spirituality. Also like rara, it has a strong focus on spontaneity. Vodou ceremonies don’t take place until the community is ready and doesn’t end until the community is ready. I’ll be honest, it sounds a whole lot better than Catholic mass. I’m still not sure where vodou stands on the spectrum of spirituality and religion. From what I can glean vodou can be interpreted as a religious ceremony or just another communal gathering. Whatever the case may be it is an integral part of Haitian identity that deserves study, if only to assure oneself that it has next to nothing to do with black magic and wicker dolls with needles stuck in them.

The vodou life is integrated into dance. Dance allows voduists to mediate with the body and connect to various spiritual nations. Each specific movement characterizes a spirit nation. For example, the dance that is attributed to Aradas resembles the movements of a serpent because the serpent represents the Rada nation’s centerpiece of rites.

The Vodou song also plays an important role in influencing the dance. Vodou songs all have a call-and-response structure. A soloists sends the song while the chorus answers with the same melody. Along with the singers, the sound of vodou drumming provides fuel to the dance. The drumming often conflict with the its own rhythm because each vodou rhythm generates its own antirhythm called a kase. Kase plays a role in destabilizing the dancer and thus, possessing them. The theory of vodou possession revolves around the Iwa. The Iwa is our own unique spirit that resides in our head. The spirit may speak to someone during sleep in the form of dreams and it can arise from vodou dance. The sounds of the drums, the movements, and the song can rouse the spirit in the head to dance. When this happens the spirit consumes the hosts consciousness and this leads to possession.

Throughout 200 years the vodou dance has been altered from traditional to modern stage dancing. In the beginning, when vodou dancing was considered a new phenomenon to people around the world, it was depicted without any cultural significance. The racist depiction of vodou in films and literature caused many Haitian individuals to step up and defend their culture. Vodou was associated with Haitian savagery and superstition. This depiction of vodou was a result of the United States invasion and 19 year occupation of Haiti. During this time many journalists has written novels on how North Americans had to come rescue Haitians from vodou. North Americans had their own view on vodou and shared it with the world. In reality, actual vodou has little to no resemblance. That is why today when we think of vodou the image of black magic and curses come to mind.

The film The Other Side of the Water, shares a similar aspect to the article on vodou. This film introduced rara, a form of music Haitians play in large groups while marching down the street. One particular member stayed away from rara because his mother believed that rara had satanic characteristics. Rara was popular back in Haiti as a form of coming together of the Haitian people. In Brooklyn, one man decided to bring rara back. He started the first rara by playing music and in doing so many other Haitian immigrants joined. There has been some conflict, however, because the older immigrants believed that rara was a spontaneous act where random people would just join by playing any instrument. The younger immigrants viewed rara as an event where only selected members could play and they had to attend rehearsal. Nonetheless, rara similar to vodou, has changed when it was brought to America. Rara is still a form of music that unites all the Haitian people.

Dance is a pivotal aspect in Caribbean culture, especially when considering the country of Haiti. In the reading,”The Sacred Music and Dance of Haitian Vodou from Temple to Stage and the Ethics of Representation” by Lois Wilcken, along with the documentary on Rara, the importance of dance is explicitly portrayed. Similar to most other cultures, dancing in Haiti is a form of entertainment, during which an individual can enjoy a great ongoing rhythm, and have a good time. However, this dancing can be an identifying factor due to the differences in the expressions and rituals, exclusively done by Haitians.

In the reading, Wilcken discusses if it is ethical to express the form of dance as it is currently expressed in mainstream media. Vodou is seen as an ancient black magic form of art that is dangerous and revolves around spirits, rhythm, and dance. Many of us know Vodou as Voodoo, which brings the image of people blowing smoke into people’s faces, dancing wildly, with an intimidating drum rhythm in the background. I believe that it isn’t ethical to misrepresent Vodou as it is today, because it is a tradition that traces back to ancient times, that has been continuing throughout the generations. However, this spiritual dance is not solely attributed to Haitians, but to many other nations that many of us do not know about. Counterintuitively, many of us know about Vodou, because of the falsified form of Voodoo that we know because of media. Actually, in many cultures, music is used to connect with spirits, and the divine energies that can not be seen through the eyes. Drums are used in many cultures and regions including Africa and Asia. A psychological study actually states that an individual enters a state of complete euphoria, during which he loses track of his present self, and almost enters another dimension, through the gateway of music. Having personally seen this is India, traditional music revolving around impeccable rhythm, can “drive a person to insanity,” but in reality it’s extreme pleasure, due to the spiritual contact it imbues. Some individuals actually start moving in frenzies, much like the Haitian dance we see when carrying out a ritual, but the interesting aspect is that, the individuals have no recollection of their state of euphoria. Some of the people get a burst of energy, and start ripping of their clothes, which is similar to Haitians dancing in minimal clothing. But, the interesting thing is that, this is all going on in public, and the individual “going crazy” is seen and admired by the surrounding audience. Now some skeptics might see this as an attempt for attention, but even young kids, who are extremely shy, have entered this level of euphoria, and psychologists have done tests during these euphoric states, to confirm the neurobiological significance behind it. In conclusion, it really isn’t ethical to misrepresent a tradition that has been in the making for centuries.

In addition, the form of Rara music is very intriguing, especially when viewing it in a psychological basis. The group identity takes over the individual identities, allowing the individuals to get their message through collectively. These messages included debunking discriminatory comments towards the Haitians, such as they are the cause of spread of Aids. However, Rara is also extremely similar to other countries, especially in India, in which numerous individuals march with music playing. However, the main instrument is the drums, and this drumming can be very spiritual. There are numerous drums along with one big drum that individuals take turn playing while marching towards a shrine or a holy place. The big drum is extraordinary because it is huge, around three to four feet , weighing about 100 or so pounds. But, normal individual come and pick this drum up, strap it on to themselves, and play it with the adrenaline pumping, eyes closed, surrounded by light, in a state of complete euphoria. This is very similar to Rara in which the individuals let loose, dance and have a good time, experiencing a state of complete joy.

On Tuesday, we watched an awesome documentary about Rara. Rara is a festival music that originates from Haiti. It consists of a moving band of people playing Caribbean music. In Haiti, Rara wasn’t something were proud of. As one band member stated, if you saw Rara in the streets, you should not be seen joining them. This negative connotation of Rara however did not follow the festival music to New York. As the band members recall, Rara in Flatbush began randomly. One day, two acquaintances began walking through the park playing their instruments, and suddenly, strangers began joining the movement with their own instruments. This group of strangers soon grew into a band that gained a following of Haitians in Flatbush. At first, the group only played Haitian music and beats, however things changed as the Haitian country went into flux. During the political coup of Haiti, where the favored leader was being overthrown, Haitians in Haiti were in uproar, and so were those in Brooklyn. To express their disdain, Haitians used the Rara band that played weekly. The band played songs and chanted against the injustice in Haiti, and Haitians following the band chimed in as the Rara moved through Flatbush. Furthermore, Haitians at that time were scapegoats for many problems in the New York. A major one was the spread of AIDS. Through Rara, Haitians expressed their opinions and their desire for equal treatment and the end of discrimination against them.  As Rara became an entertainment and political medium, its status also grew. The negative connotation previously involved with the movement disappeared and it became a medium through which Haitians showed pride and love for their nation.

The reading we did this week was “The Sacred Music and Dance of Haitian Vodou from Temple to Stage and the Ethics of Representation,” written by Lois Wilcken. In this reading, the author describes the music and dance involved Haitian Vodou, particularly as it came from Haiti to Brooklyn. Wilcken argues about whether the expression of Vodou in Brooklyn is ethical. In Vodou, dance and music are a way to communicate with the spirits. In the communal services, members use the call and response structure to express their emotions to the spirits. Furthermore, they use drums as a way to call upon the spirits to listen.

The elements involved in Vodou, such as dancing, singing, and praying  were considered sacred by those who practiced the religion. Anything that parodies these strong beliefs was sacrilegious and offensive. As one would expect, however, due to of tourism, immigration and the exposure of cultural practices, the Vodou dance became a spectacle. Haitian Vodou is was practiced as far back as the 1700’s by African slaves. The practice was of course frowned upon by the Christian Anglo-Saxons who controlled the Haitian country. Vodou was seen as barbaric and demonic, as well as pagan and opposing the beliefs of the Christian rulers. Today in Haiti, upper class citizens see Haitian Vodou as the culture of the dirty, lower class and completely stray away from the practice.Wilcken also mentions how the Vodou performances have become theatrical, and create profits from the people who pay to watch them. More so, those who perform these spectacles are not even practicing the religion, but are just putting on an exaggerated show to attract customers.

The most information I knew of Vodou, I received from cartoons and movies. Before, I imagined the religion to consist of a witch doctor that puts curses on people. After doing this reading and other research, I now know that Vodou is as much a religion as any other one. It is deeply practiced by many Haitians and even people of other countries. Like a priest leading a sermon in church where people are praying to god, Vodou members call upon the spirits to pray and express their feelings. Hopefully Vodou maintains its history and its false theatrical representation lessens.

The readings the last two weeks have been very refreshing. We’ve talked a lot about transnationalism and migrant networks, but really only seemed to focus on economic and political aspects. Many of the articles we’ve read focused very heavily on these issues, though each article gave varying perspectives. I’m glad we have started to take a closer look at some of the more social and cultural aspects of transnationalism. After reading about J’ouvert and Carnival last week, we continued to examine music and other traditions this week.

On Tuesday we watched The Other Side of the Water, which chronicled a group of young Haitian immigrants trying to establish an old Haitian tradition in the streets and parks of Brooklyn, New York. This old tradition is that of rara, a sort of street festival music. A rara group would come together with a bunch of different instruments, such as horns, trumpets and drums, and perform for whoever was around. People could join in and eventually a large chorus would break out in the middle of the street. The men in the movie are credited with creating the first (and currently only) sustained rara band in America, dubbed Djarara. This ensemble ends up becoming more than just a band; many Haitian immigrants in New York used this traditional music from Haiti to combat the many new stigmas associated with Haitian immigrants. For example, the AIDS epidemic and the rise of controversial policing ostracized many in the Haitian community. Djarara, a new take on a classic art form, united Haitians abroad and kept many going through rough times. The most interesting part about the film to me was how there was some conflict between how to go about performing rara in Brooklyn. Some of the older men felt that it should be played more traditionally; no rehearsals and anyone who passed by could join in. Younger men felt that it should be more finely crafted and that there should be rehearsals and a set list.

Moving into our article for Thursday, we looked at another traditional aspect of Haitian culture, Vodou. Vodou, more often written as Voodoo, is a religion that grew to prominence among African slaves in the Caribbean after many enslaved Africans were forced to convert to Christianity. There are some parallels between the two religions, but the largest differences revolve how each is celebrated. Vodou, unlike most forms of Christianity, revolves around music and dance as a form of “meditation for the body.” Although hymns and psalms are a large part of many Christian churches, most do not focus so deeply on music and dance. Slow, rhythmic drum beats often lead the pace for Vodou dance rituals, and help provide a “fuel” for the dance and guide participants. Call and response songs are also a large part of Vodou rituals, something Vodou celebrations share with Christian ones. To me, it is pretty ironic how a religion that gained so much popularity because it was practiced in response to another forced religion could share so much with the religion that was being forced upon. Another odd thing about Vodou is how it is often dual-perceived. As noted in the article, many factions tend to identify with Vodou to suit their own purposes. One could look at is a revolution starter, something that helped unite slaves to rise up and fight for what is right. That same person, later, could refer to Vodou as something to be avoided; something so powerful that it can change loved ones for the worse.

“The Sacred Music and Dance of Haitian Vodou from Temple to Stage and the Ethics of Representation” – Lois Wilcken

This article talks about the development of the music and dance of Haitian Vodou (specifically in Brooklyn) as well as how it should be expressed and whether or not the current method of representing the art form is ethical. Vodou is introduced as revolving around the dance. The dance is a series of greetings to spirit nations that follows a ritual order and is often considered a “meditation.” It is also characterized by a call-and-response structure, which emphasizes collective needs, as well as drumming to create a rhythm and antirhythm (or opposing rhythm).

The Vodou dance is often compared to theater and drama; indeed, the modern staging of the music and dance is a recent development in Vodou’s representation. The earliest accounts of Haitian Vodou come from the accounts of missionaries in the late 1700s as they recount slave dances. However, the accounts cast the slaves in a negative light (as primitive and savage). As a result, many of the elite (in a way) dismissed Vodou as a side effect of black spirituality and that of the oppressed. Later, this mindset was partly used to rationalize the United States’ occupation of Haiti in the early 1900s. This led to a misrepresentation of Vodou called the “voodoo” and eventually led to the idea of the “zombie.” In the latter half of the 1900s, La Troupe Makandal fought for a more authentic representation of Haitian Vodou. However, this movement suffered as there were disagreements on the method of representation of Vodou, and some had outdated views on authentically representing Vodou, thus limiting its identity.

The author concludes by saying that the representation of Vodou has been “monopolized” by privileged foreigners and Haitian intellectuals. As a result, it is argued that “asymmetries of power permeate cross-cultural encounters,” and, thus, representation has failed to include the voices of the oppressed.

I have to say that this article was very interesting. In particular, I was not aware that the term “voodoo” actually stemmed from a misrepresentation of Haitian Vodou. This misrepresentation seemed to stem from the image of Vodou that was promoted: that of a savage and barbaric spirituality. What was also very interesting was that the concept of the “zombie” also originated from this misrepresentation. According to the article, it stems from the concept of the “zonbi, the soulless body of ancient legend.” This is particularly interesting because the concept of the zombie can be found in many areas of pop culture today.

It may very well be because of this misrepresentation that the long history of Vodou is not as generally well known. I certainly did not know much (if anything) about Haitian Vodou before reading this article. Thus, it seems that the only way to remedy the effects of such a misrepresentation is to inform people about its past.

First thing: Watch The Act of Killing, if you are interested in war criminals not be serving civil justice and their integration into the community they harmed. It is about Indonesia, and it is takes more of an artistic, intimate psychological exploration into the war criminals than most traditional documentaries. The less known about the documentary going in, the more impactful the reaction. It is difficult to describe the feelings you feel when you watch- it is an experience.

Anyways, Danticat’s story takes an unexpected turn during the end of her book, which is extremely strange because you know the outcome and the big secret at the first story’s reveal. The reader realizes that Ka’s father is a dew breaker and his wife is fully aware of it since the beginning of the book. The dynamics of Ka’s parent’s relationship is strange but it seems to hold up at the beginning of the book. The dew breaker has become a caring father and husband who may not be perfect, like throwing out his daughter’s statue or his unreeling obsession with Egyptians, but he is still compassion and loving to his family and peaceful to others overall. However, the last chapter goes over to his less lovable past and what events led to the present situations mentioned earlier. This way the dynamics between the dew breaker and Anne become less comprehensible and the stories throughout the book that revolve around their relationship more contrived. Her husband’s former job was not some distant concept- she literally ran into him right after he shot her brother, and she chooses to ignore the obvious and move on with her life with him. To bridge this gap of reasoning or vengeance, Danticat uses metaphysical forces as a reinforcer to forgiveness. The dew breaker is punished by “hiding away” for his life in fear, while he is also saved by unseen forces. Dany never kills him and the death of his aunt cuts off motivation to do so, while Claude shows that to some degree people move on from killing each other, and although he was officially punished, his people still welcome him. Other suspected dew breaker, like the Emmanuel or the seamstress’s suspected follow are accepted like benevolent shadows. Women are often the doers that burden much of the weight between war and trans- immigration problems. Danticat tries to construct a frame in which Haiti can console its past and move on, as well as create this newer version of folklore for the various types of Haitians, connecting home bound and foreign bound/ born.

Lundy’s article examines the transnational actions of Haitian peoples after the earthquake in 2010. He has one especially charged sentence that he cannot just move on afterwards. The sentence in which he says in 2004 American/ Canadian supported thugs overtook President Jean- Bertrand Aristride because he posed real change for the poor. That is a hefty statement that needs a lot of proof and poses many implications.  Lundy goes on to detail all the support Haitians abroad gave to Haiti after the disaster, in the form of remittances, volunteer/ medical efforts, and hypothetical adoptions. He uses these examples to present the strength of the Haitian transnational community and its possible influence on Haiti in general. I have no doubt that Haitians across the globe did help and feel strongly motivated to help their family or brethren in the home country, but Haiti became a major global relief effort. I remember that numerous global organizations that participated in rebuilding Haiti that were not primarily under of concept of “Haitians helping Haitians.” Did global non-Haitian orientated organizations have more of an impact helping Haiti than purely the global Haitian community helping Haiti? What percentage of first/second/etc. generation of Haitian immigrants around the world contributed? He is also extremely optimistic about the level of loyalty and participation of second generation Haitians. Most admit to never having been to Haiti- identifying as an Haitian and actively participating in Haiti is entirely different. Their opinions about the situations in Haiti are handed down from their parents, I doubt if many could discuss or stay involved in Haitian affairs after their parents deaths. Also, going directly to Haitian clubs in colleges do not speak about the second generation as a whole. He is literally directing himself to people who he knows fits his theory. What about participation the other children mentioned who do not identify as Haitian and what percentage do they represent? How prevalent are these Haitian clubs in relation to the Haitian community or the school in general? They are probably tiny. I am not saying that Lundy is wrong in his optimism in the role of the Haitian transnational community, but I believe that his viewpoint is too focused for the more macro- image that he wants to create. But Wyclef Jean running for Haitian president and one of the biggest concerns is that he cannot speak Creole? I feel like there are some other glaring points there.

The Dew Breaker, as many of us have pointed out, ends with a twisted plot. We are told that the Dew Breaker’s wife has married a man that killed her half brother. This relationship between Anne and the dew breaker represents the dire situation in the nation and the only way to continue is to forgive. We debated in class on whether or not Anne has done the right thing to forgive the dew breaker and marry him. What I wanted to point out is the fact that the dew breaker himself has chosen to marry the sister of the man that he tortured and killed. This I believe has a meaning as well. Just as how Anne marrying the Dew Breaker represents the only way the nation of Haiti can keep moving forward, the dew breaker choosing to marry Anne is another portrayal of the nation moving forward. By marrying Anne the dew breaker is admitting to his horrible past and is cooping with it. Also, since the dew breaker represents the old regime it shows that the old regime has realized their mistake and have chosen to step down.

As for the reading by Lundy we notice a couple of things. First, Lundy talks about how the earthquake in Haiti has strengthened the transnational ties between migrants and Haiti. We notice, after the earthquake, that many Haitian Americans have stepped out of their hiding place and are not afraid to identify themselves as Haitians anymore. I believe that the earthquake’s devastation causing much grief to Haiti made many migrants sympathize with their nation. If there is a time where their nation needs them the most it is now. If the Haitian Americans did not stand up and announce their proud identity as Haitians by helping the nation recover, then the world would not have helped the nation as much as it did. If their own people living in other places were careless, then organizations in other nations would not have much motivation to aid Haiti.

Another point worth mentioning is the strong transnational tie that increased through the second generation immigrants of Haiti. One of the factors, I believe, for the increase of transnationalism by the second generation has to do with basic psychology. When an individual growing up is told to not do something, the desire to do that forbidden deed increases. Therefore, Haitians being told from when they were young to not identify themselves as Haitians gave them the desire to rebel identify as nothing but Haitian.

Adrian Horczak

Professor Lutton

People of New York

The Dew Breaker

In “The Bridal Seamstress,” Aline is interviewing Beatrice about her job has a bride dress maker and why she is retiring. Aline was an intern who struggled finding a paying job after graduating from college. Her Mission is to describe why Beatrice is retiring from dress making. She finds out that a dew breaker is following Beatrice, so she will move making sure no one, especially one of her clients, knows where she will live. She wants to get away from that man.

The next chapter, “Monkey Tails,” describes Michel’s childhood. There is an uprising going on in the Haitian village he lives in. His friend, Romain, encourages him to become an adult. However, after his excursion with Romain to a hotel, he does not see Romain again.

In “The Funeral Singer,” Freda is a 22-year-old still in school and trying to get a diploma. She continues to be in school still at this age because she spends lots of time with her friends and does not study enough. She sings at funerals as a job. However, when she is asked to sing at the president’s funeral, she refuses because she is rebellious and joins the militia.

The final chapter describes the dew breaker and is also referred to as “The Dew Breaker.” It mentions how a priest was seized by the militia for giving sermons condemning the government. Later, when he is to be set free, he is sent to the dew breaker for questioning. He hits the dew breaker with the leg of a chair as soon as he walks in and the dew breaker gets a scar. Because of this, the dew breaker kills the priest. After that, Anne, the priest’s half sister, comforts and cares for the dew breaker. Finally, they get married and have a daughter named Ka.

The second part of “The Dew Breaker” is very confusing to me because every chapter is narrated by a different person. I have read a book that uses a similar style, but all the events and people were closely related to form one grand story line. However, second half of “The Dew Breaker” does not continue with Ka’s family, rather makes me aware of other and practically unrelated people in the story. One theme I can find throughout the book is people coping with their differences and losses. For example, Anne knows her husband and her daughter are not Catholic like her, but she gets them to go with her to the Christmas Eve mass every year. Michel also needs to cope with the problem that he does not get see his father, but really wants to. Other themes that are present throughout the book are not clear to me. Danticat was probably trying to convey a storyline through the different narrators, but she does not do such a good job with clearly linking the information together.

Transnationalism in the Aftermath of the Haiti Earthquake: Reinforcing Ties and Second-Generation Identity

News of Haiti being struck by a magnitude 7.0 earthquake spread all around the world. Haitian individuals were worried about whether their families were safe, physically and economically. The earthquake killed over 250,000 people and approximately another 300,000 were injured. Many buildings were destroyed and the whole country needed to get itself back on its feet. The situation seemed so dire that many Haitian Americans felt they should go back to Haiti. Many claimed that they would adopt Haitian orphans. Furthermore, the United States government allowed people of Haitian decent to remain in the country if they did not have documentation.

The earthquake stimulated much help from the rest of the world, but it also effected the way Haitians are viewed. Second-generation Haitian immigrants did not want to be looked at as Haitians, as opposed to the way their parents viewed themselves. People who were considered Haitian after the earthquake were looked down upon and beat up.

People really worked hard to help Haiti after the earthquake struck on January 12, 2010. This devastating event change a lot of things, but I do not understand why Haitians were looked down upon after the earthquake. Everyone should have sympathized with them because their families were effected by the tragic event. The article also mentions at one point that some Haitians think people did not do enough to help Haiti. I think they should be thankful for any help they receive even though it is expected.