In the interest of saving time – as we had to tackle a few objectives of the final exhibition project in class – we did not have the class write their reactions to the article on the chalkboard. Instead, we chose to engage in a discussion about the most relevant aspects of what we had read and how it pertained to what we had been focusing on throughout the semester. We divided the article in half and each discussed our respective section, attempting to hear responses from our classmates as much as possible. Below is a rough transcript of what we covered.

Katherine:

As we’ve been discussing transnationalism, we’ve understood that it entails the relationships and connections that link immigrants to more than one country. And when we look at it in the context of the response of the Haitian diaspora to the earthquake in Haiti, we see just how active the forces that drive transnationalism are and the extent to which members of the diaspora are able to be involved in their home country and their country of settlement. The forces that were most instrumental in establishing strong transnational ties were United States based organizations and churches. The article discusses these in the context of social morphology, which refers to the social formation of relationships between the diaspora and the homeland. These particular networks are what allowed for such a large-scale response to the earthquake because people could act through community-based intermediaries.

Churches acted as a resource and information center in regards to the status of people in Haiti. For example, if someone wanted to know about the state of a family member or a loved one, they could find out through the link between churches in the US and churches in Haiti. In other words, the church was the transnational social field that facilitated these social relationships. What was interesting about this aspect in particular was that it was distinct in the United States, as it was largely influenced by American culture. To elaborate, the church adopted this structure that allowed it to respond in such a way to the needs of the Haitian community. So instead of just being a place of worship, it became this bureaucratic institution that facilitated social connections, which the article acknowledges that would not have been possible in Haiti.

Along with the church, there were several Haitian professional organizations that contributed to transnationalism by providing numerous forms of aid to Haiti. For example, the Association of Haitian Physicians Abroad and Partners in Health were just two of many medical groups that sent thousands of volunteer medical professionals to Haiti.

But the most common form of aid sent by members of the diaspora was remittances, or financial contributions. This was crucial because the Haitian economy is heavily dependent on remittances, in fact the amount they receive is equal to more than a quarter of their GDP. An organization that helped with the process of sending financial contributions was Western Union. They transferred donations from the United States, Canada, The Dominican Republic, and Jamaica. Additionally, airlines allowed their customers to send aid supplies free of charge.

What was really interesting about these institutions -the church and organizations-  was how they strengthened transnational ties. Because individual migrants acting on their own accord wouldn’t have had this effect, so these groups created this really strong sense of collectivism and they reinforced the links between the diaspora and Haitians back home. This significantly counteracted the strained political relations between Haitians in Haiti and those abroad that had caused a weakening of the involvement of the diaspora.

Qing:

The 2010 earthquake of Haiti gave the chance for political reconciliation between the people of the Diaspora and those living at home. With Haiti’s lack of dual citizenship, the position of those abroad affected family members back home in Haiti during Papa Doc’s regime. The positions were split between being either a state supporter or a member of opposition, dividing members of the community. It wasn’t until democratically elected President Aristide, who embraced the diaspora as a resource, that those abroad gained an elevated status which helped mend the relationship between those abroad and those at home slightly. During the aftermath of the earthquake, it has given a chance for the Diaspora to have more participation in rebuilding Haiti, implying a beginning of a united home and abroad front.

Transnational ties allowed second generation children to have a link to their ancestral land. This connection provides the path for these children to take upon a positive Haitian identity even amidst terrible media portrayal of Haitian identity. Many second generation kids take up an African American identity because they were surrounded by it growing up. These kids identified with other ethnicities as a way to “cover up” their Haitian ancestry. This was to distance themselves from the 4-H club, consisting of homosexuals, hemophiliacs, heroin users, and Haitians, that was seen as having a high risk of aids. All these negative portrayals ignited a strong reaction by Haitian community leaders to educate kids about being proud of their roots. This is shown by an increase in Haitian student associations and having these ideas spread to non-transnational households.

In the wake of the earthquake, this Haitian identification has manifested itself by inciting a felt obligation of the Diaspora to its homeland. Some parents used to reject the Haitian identity of their kids because of an old immigrant fear that their kids will be bullied for being Haitian. Now, various social and personal factors determine the acceptance or rejection of the kids’ Haitian identity. Support from school Haitian associations or resistance by family members can tip the scale for the child’s choice in openly identifying as Haitian. The use of Haitian past glories as a positive self-identification is a key way for helping the second generation identify as Haitian. The earthquake acted as an extra reason for identifying as Haitian; it helped accumulate more resources to repair Haiti.