The insular community

Something in the opening paragraph of this chapter has had an impact on my attempts at understanding the relationship between Blacks and Jews in Crown Heights.  Crown Heights is an incredibly integrated neighborhood geographically.  Goldschmidt backs this statement up with facts, noting that “the densest area of Jewish settlement in Crown Heights i approximately 60 percent Black.”  The neighborhood is not rigidly sub-divided into Black and Jewish sub-neighborhoods.  Instead Blacks and Jews live “side by side.”  While their private lives and spaces are not shared, the streets are shared by both groups.

Even so, how can anyone expect there to be resolution to the “social divide” between Blacks and Jews in Crown Heights when the Lubavitchers see the separation and segregation as a positive; the upholding of God’s commandments and a way to ensure Jewish observance and self-preservation of the community?  The geographic integration that Goldschmidt makes note of, is not in the least  bit significant when talking about social interaction between the two groups.  The Blacks perceive the Lubavitchers as loners – people that stick to their own kind; the Lubavitchers do not deny this.  Instead they endorse this policy as a method for preserving the religion and the Lubavitch community.

Blacks often assume that the Lubavitchers are attempting to enforce racial segregation; in other words their preference of not associating with the Blacks in the community is driven by their desire to remain a White enclave separate from the Black community.  Yet the Lubavitchers view this need for separation as a commandment from God, irrespective of race.  The Lubavitch grandmother living in Crown Heights sums it up clearly when she says  “we’re not interested.  We’re just insular.”  She continues her thoughts and goes further saying “you don’t like my being insular, that’s your problem.  It’s not my problem.” Clearly she is not in the least bit interested in social integration, sharing of cultures or bridge building between the two communities.

Even though the Lubavitchers do not see a need to solve the “divide” problem, many others do seek a solution to this phenomenon.  Many Black Crown Heights residents and public officials believe that the only way to relieve tensions and avoid conflict between the two groups is to “break down the barriers of racial segregation, and build mutual understanding…”  In theory this sounds like a great idea.  However, when the Jews of Crown Heights feel that efforts to bring the two groups closer will lead to desecration of the religious laws that they deem so important to their every day life.

A few additional observations:  While the Lubavitch community would consider me Jewish, they would no more eat in my home than in the home of their Black Crown Heights neighbors.  They might assume that I am more understanding of the reasons they remain apart, but I would imagine that nothing I could say would convince them to eat a meal at my home.

Lastly, I find it fascinating that efforts to unify the community have, in fact, drawn further attention to the differences that exist between the two group.  For example, the “Crown Heights Family Day” picnics were created to foster cultural and social exchanges between the Blacks and Jews of Crown Heights.  Nevertheless, the two groups cooked their food in separate barbecue areas due to the laws of kashrut limiting interaction.  In 1999, the Hasidic group did not have enough hot dogs for the large crowd and announced that the kosher hot dogs were only for Jews.  Needless to say, this announcement, though practical, did little to build bridges.

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