Tag Archives: parliament

Research Journal: Differences in Women’s Perspective on Legal Rights

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Mumtaz, K. (1994). Identity Politics and Women: “Fundamentalism” and Women in Pakistan. In V. Moghadam (Ed.), Identity politics and women: Cultural reassertions and feminisms in international perspective (pp. 228-242). Boulder: Westview Press.

Resistance to government’s Islamization program has not been a unified struggle for all women in Pakistan. A sharp divide exists between women who Mumtaz calls “fundamentalists” and women’s right activists. The difference in their perspectives arises from factors such as class differences and exposure to type of education (Western education or Islamic education). Although the concerns of the two groups are the same: they call for a ban on polygamy, demand fair divorce procedures, etc., the bifurcation in their ideas emerge regarding the concept of gender equality, women’s role, legal rights etc.

Women’s Action Forum (WAF), which was created in response to Zia’s Islamization program, has been at the forefront questioning patriarchal structures and the use of misinterpreted Islam to justify restrictive legal laws. While women’s rights activists challenge strictly defined gender roles and the notion of women being nurturers and reproducers of society, “fundamentalist” women embrace these ideas. They opt for complete gender segregation. So which organizations or political party are “fundamentalist” women affiliated with? Mumtaz identifies that most “fundamentalist” women are either supported by Jama’at-i-Islami or they belong to its student wing called Jama’at-i-Talebat. Also, the party has a strong influence in urban areas that have gone through industrialization. Other religious-based political parties include Jamiat-Ulema-e-Pakistan (JUP), Jamiat-Ulema-e-Islam (JUI), Anjuman Sipah-e-Sahaba, but none of these parties have a women’s wing or women members in their higher ranks.

Before picking this book, I had incorrectly assumed that most women in Pakistan would consider the Hudood Laws to be restrictive and downright discriminatory towards women. However, “fundamentalist” women do not think that way. They argue that women should not interact with men and therefore should not pursue careers in politics, but these “fundamentalist” women –although small in percentage when compared to the party’s total members – hold positions in their party and parliament themselves.

Research Journal: Reasons for the Lack of Women’s Participation in Pakistan’s Workforce

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Raza, F. (2007). Reasons for the Lack of Women’s Participation in Pakistan’s Workforce. Journal Of Middle East Women’s Studies, 3(3), 99-102.

After re-reading this article, I was grappling with these questions: Do we really need laws to bring equality in society? Why doesn’t their existence mean that we have achieved equality? When do laws fail to play a fair role? I think that passing laws is just the beginning step, but implementing it is another feat in itself. That is because implementing laws need a wave of change in the overall attitudes of people towards women, in general, and especially towards women who have been raped or sexually assaulted. After watching the documentary titled Outlawed in Pakistan, I realized that although repealing restrictive laws like the Hudood Ordinances is relieving, the prejudice still exists and is reflected in the sort of outcomes that young women like Soomro face today.

Raza states that according to the Constitution of Pakistan, which was ratified in 1973, women are equal citizens. However, gender inequality is widespread and lack of women’s role in Pakistan’s economy is dismal. He elaborates on the government’s efforts to create committees such as Commission on Marriage and Family Laws (1955), Women’s Rights Committee (1976), Commission of Inquiry for Women (1977), and Pakistan Commission on the Status of Women (1985). Although they have been founded to address gender imbalances, Raza notes that the government’s initiative to tackle problem of gender inequality by increasing reserved parliament seats for women provides a temporary solution. In 2001, Pakistan’s government reserved 33% of seats in local bodies and 17% of seats in nationals and provincial assemblies for women. With less than 10% of women working, the rationale for increasing the number of reserved seats was clear: (1) to deter underemployment of women in government offices and (2) to increase their participation in political decision-making. However, reasons for underemployment arises from factors such as gender-specific roles in society, lack of safety using public transportation, inadequate education or vocational training, and workplace harassment. Raza mentions that human rights report indicate that women in secretarial jobs and semi-skilled or unskilled employments face sexual harassment. (He does not give specific numbers.)