Warner, Oswald. “Black in America Too: Afro-Caribbean Immigrants.” Social and Economic Studies, vol. 61, no. 4, 2012, pp. 69–103., www.jstor.org/stable/24384427.

“All immigrants experience conflicts of social identity when confronted by the necessity of remaking their lives in a new society.” As covered in class and from reading Blood Relations, it was established that early 1900 Afro-Caribbean immigrants, on top of arriving in an America where their place in society was already defined due to the slave-based past, also experienced a divide between them and the native blacks. This article’s main goal is to analyze the processes associated with racial/ethnic group formation in early twentieth century. Early Afro-Caribbean immigrants sought ethnic markers (ways of dressing, language/accent) to differentiate themselves from the native blacks to prevent stigmatization and loss of status and become more visible in society and construct a distinct identity for themselves. In New York City, this gave rise to competition over jobs and housing accommodation, and the Afro-Caribbean immigrants’ ethnic identity was encouraged by whites who often complimented them on their distinct accents and moral superiority over the native blacks. This article is relevant to my research, which focuses on identity and underlying factors that may lead to identity changes among recent adolescent immigrants and second generation immigrants in New York City. The article later states:

“But, dependent on the prevailing social circumstances, Afro-Caribbean immigrants can simultaneously identify and interact, and separate and distance themselves from American blacks. That is, they can simultaneously invoke the centripetal force of race and the centrifugal force of the ethnicity without the crystallization and supersession of one form of identity over the other.”

This article is useful in understanding the original dynamic that existed between Afro-Caribbean immigrants and native blacks, and can be used for comparison purposes to today’s Afro-Caribbean immigrants and whether or not they still appeal to those ethnic markers or seek to immerse themselves among the larger African American community in New York City.

 

Deaux, Kay, et al. “Becoming American: Stereotype Threat Effects in Afro-Caribbean Immigrant Groups.” Social Psychology Quarterly, vol. 70, no. 4, 2007, pp. 384–404., www.jstor.org/stable/20141803.

West Indian Immigrants are seen as having an advantage over other immigrants because of their prior knowledge of the English language, but they also come in a country where they experience discriminatory treatment because of their skin color. It’s been observed that although first generation West Indian immigrants tend to outperform native blacks, the same can’t be said for the second generation. The study performed in this article analyzes the degree to which first and second generation West Indians are susceptible to the effects of stereotype threat, that is, how they respond to stereotypes about African Americans. In the part of the study relevant to my research, a questionnaire was first given to a sample of 270 first and second generation West Indian students enrolled in the CUNY system. It aimed to gather information on immigration history, knowledge of existing stereotypes, ethnic identification, and sensitivity to race-based rejection. Notable results from the questionnaire included first generation students more strongly identifying as West Indian than second generation, though both groups found ethnic identification as important. First generation students also believed public perception of their group was more favorable, though both concurred that West Indians were regarded more favorably than African Americans and did not differ in the measure of sensitivity to race-based rejection. Overall, the questionnaire showed that first generation immigrants not being as susceptible to stereotype threat effects is not due to a lack of awareness on the stereotypes regarding African Americans in U.S Society. Rather, it may be due to some protection or distancing from those stereotypes because of them having their own perception of being black due to having lived in their home countries where blacks are the majority and race discrimination is not prevalent. This applies to my research because understanding immigrants’ awareness of stereotypes that exist and their perspective on them is an integral part of understanding how they assimilate and construct their own identity.

 

Buchanan, Susan Huelsebusch. “Language and Identity: Haitians in New York City.” The International Migration Review, vol. 13, no. 2, 1979, pp. 298–313., www.jstor.org/stable/2545034.

In addition to experiencing conflicts of social identity when having to remake their lives in a new society, cultural and linguistic dualism can arise as a form of social and personal conflict for Afro-Caribbean immigrants, namely Haitians for the purpose of this article. Identity and status conflicts experienced by Haitian immigrants in New York City are analyzed through the issue of language usage. French, spoken by few, and Haitian Creole, spoken by the majority are the two languages spoken in Haiti, and is accorded higher prestige than Creole and thus reinforces social, economic and cultural differences between the elites and middle class and the peasantry. Much like other Afro-Caribbean immigrants, upon migration, their skin color alone puts them at a disadvantage and so “as a population in economic and political exile, confronted by enormous problems in the United States, it is little wonder that they experience conflicts over the nature of the identity they wish to project.” The article then analyzed the issue of identity among Haitians in NYC through a particular case involving language dispute in a Brooklyn church.  In this parish, Haitian parishioners came from all class back grounds, with few speaking fluently or understanding French and English. The French mass was initially introduced at the parish and when a plan to introduce a Mass in which Haitian Creole would be the only language used arose, it found its share of proponents and opponents. Its opponents argued that Creole should be used for Voodoo rituals, and saw Haitian Creole as a loss of “edifying” and “civilized” aspects of Haitian culture. Opponents also feared that an emphasis upon Haiti’s African heritage would isolate Haitian immigrants from the white culture. The argument for the proponents of the Creole Mass was based on the fact that the French mass contradicted the idea of Christ for everyone since few Haitians actually spoke or understood French and that creole is the mother tongue of all Haitians.  At a meeting to resolve the language issue, an all-Creole Mass prevailed, and this severed the ties between the Church and many Haitian parishioners. In conclusion, the article describes this issue as a consequence of Haitians trying to recreate traditional Haitian class system in New York City and upper class Haitians who have suffered downward economic and social mobility trying to draw upon the knowledge of French language and culture as markers of status difference. This article shows yet another example of immigrants making use of ethnic markers to separate themselves, this time not only from the larger African American populations, but from their own immigrant group, and so that can be used in my research in trying to evaluate how the immigrants’ perception of their own group and how that contributes to the formation of their identity.

 

Waters, Mary C. “Ethnic and Racial Identities of Second-Generation Black Immigrants in New York City.” The International Migration Review, vol. 28, no. 4, 1994, pp. 795–820., www.jstor.org/stable/2547158.

This article looks at the types of racial and ethnic identities claimed by a sample of 83 adolescent second-generation West Indian and Haitian American in NYC and their understanding of their ethnic identity, being American and black American. As we know, first generation immigrants have often used ethic markers to differentiate themselves from ethnic blacks. Their children grow up hearing their negative opinions on native blacks and the fact that whites favor foreign born blacks, yet lack characteristics that lead to their peers characterizing them as American blacks. Thus, second generation immigrants are confronted with the choice of identifying as black Americans or an ethnic identity based on their parents’ countries of origin. The sample of adolescents interviewed were of different socioeconomic backgrounds: teens facing downward social mobility, students in the church on an upward social trajectory and teens whose families are well off and would seem to have bright futures. A number of factors can influence the type of identity these adolescents develop, including the type of school they attend, class background and transnational networks their parents are involved in, and their family structure. Of the 83 adolescents, 42 percent of the sample interviewed claimed a black American identity and disagreed with their parents’ criticism of native blacks. 30 percent claimed a strong ethnic identity and found it important for other people to recognize that they were not American blacks and agreed with their parents’ views and believed that West Indians were superior to the native blacks in terms of their behaviors and attitudes. The final 28 percent claimed an immigrant identity rather than an American black or ethnic identity. One reason may have been that most were recent immigrants and saw their accents, their behavior and way they dressed as a sign to others that they were foreign born. They had a strong ethnic identity, yet still did not distance themselves from the native blacks as the identity they claimed stemmed from their own experiences in their home countries, independent of what others thought of them. This article helps out my research because it provides grounds for comparison between any changes in identity experienced by adolescent immigrants and the factors that may lead to these changes in terms of how they look to assimilate in their new environments in NYC.

 

Suárez-Orozco, Carola, et al. “Promoting Academic Engagement Among Immigrant Adolescents Through School-Family-Community Collaboration.” Professional School Counseling, vol. 14, no. 1, 2010, pp. 15–26., www.jstor.org/stable/42732746.

 This article focuses on the school, familial and individual challenges encountered by immigrant adolescent students. Varying background situations may influence the pathways of adaptations for these adolescents, including their parents’ social class, the quality of education they were able to afford back home and the social networks existing in the communities they settle that ease their transition. Academic adjustment for immigrant youths is determined by a combination of individual, family, community, and school factors and trajectories are found to vary among them, with some students being able to succeed and others showing varying level of achievement over time. Individual challenges stem from the fact that upon immigration, these youths move away from their close friends, family members and a familiar community to go settle in a new environment where the social and cultural aspects are foreign to them. They have to familiarize themselves with the new schooling system and what is looked upon as appropriate student behavior, all on top of having to learn a new language which may prove to be their biggest academic hurdle. In terms of family challenges, while these immigrant youths have to adapt to a new environment and the American culture, their “parents may disapprove of certain aspects of the new culture if they conflict with traditional values.” In order to make ends meet, parents may also be tasked with working long hours and that reduces the amount of family time. Emotional trauma can also arise from the parents having to migrate and settle first while extended family members take care of their children who later go on to join them abroad. Under-resourced and ethnically segregated schools are often found in areas with large immigrant populations, which puts students at further academic risk. Furthermore, whereas living in a community surrounded by their countrymen may ease their transition, it may not benefit their educational attainment because they lack exposure to institutional resources and school programs. To promote academic school engagement is thus encouraged for immigrant students and their families, that is, being connected to what is going on in their classes. This article describes the challenges faced by immigrant adolescents upon moving, and understanding those challenges and the consequent response to them can help in understanding why some of these immigrants may experience identity changes, which is a focal point of my research.