Project Narrative

Building a New France in New York is an online collection of personal narratives from French “immigrants” who have lived/currently live in New York City. The aim is to understand the meaning of French identity specifically in a Francophile city through a form of oral history. This paper thus compiles all the data that I have collected from interviews and looks at recurring themes across all subjects. However, the goal is neither to generalize the total French population in New York City nor to make a conclusion on the sociology of living abroad. Therefore, my research does not rely on statistics. Rather, it is to provide an archive of case studies that brings attention to how identity and place are connected, capturing nuanced personal experiences on an intimate and individual level and giving a voice to those who may not be heard otherwise.

Some major questions that this project hopes to answer are:

• How is identity influenced by where one lives and how does it change depending on where one moves?
• What is it like to be French and live in a city that is enamored with one’s culture, yet still feel like a foreigner?
• Why is NYC such a popular location for the French?
• What are some common themes amongst the French living in NYC?
• How is identity linked to specific places? What meaning do places hold for us?
• What is the cultural exchange between the French community and the city?

 

Research methodology:

There is a growing interest in storytelling through social media today. To contribute to this trend, this research project uses interviews as the main form of data collection. The only criteria for those who could be interviewed were:

• Must be18 years or older and therefore able to consent to the interview,
• Grew up in France and considers him/herself French, and
• Has lived or will have lived in NYC for at least one year.

All interviews were conducted in English. Therefore, some of the information might have been lost in translation. Interviews were generally conducted in the form of personal conversation guided by pre-written questions to help ease any tension and solicit more varied and engaging anecdotes.

Currently, the demographic of the interviewees is leaning more towards people under 30, most of whom are students. This is because my social and academic circles give me more access to people within this demographic. Fortunately, because this project does not aim to generalize the total French population in NYC, the bias is not much of an issue. It is, however, still interesting to note different patterns amongst the interviewees, even if they generally come from the same demographic. As this project is still a work in progress, hopefully, the demographic will become more diverse.

 

Why the French?

Although the French population is not the largest immigrant population in the diverse culture of New York City, it is a very significant one. According to the Census Bureau, there are approximately 15,800 French immigrants living in New York and about 84,400 New Yorkers older than the age of 4 who speak French primarily. That equates around 1.1% of the population. (For more statistical data, she the attached study at the end of this paper.)

New York City is a Francophile city, meaning that what is considered high culture, especially in terms of food and fashion, is typically French. Many of the top restaurants of the Zagat’s list of NYC’s Most Popular Restaurants are French and elite, including Daniel, Bernardin, and Balthazar. There are over 200 French restaurants, counting different branches of the same brand, mainly concentrated in Manhattan with an increasing appearance in Williamsburg, Boreum Hill, and Carroll Gardens. (To view a map of different French places in NYC, visit this URL: http://eportfolios.macaulay.cuny.edu/newfrancenewyork/french-places-in-nyc-map/)

New York City also hosts the Cultural Services Division of the French Embassy, which is currently fundraising to increase the number of French bilingual programs in public schools across the city. One of the French consulates is also located in the Upper East Side as well as the French Institute Alliance Française. New York City also houses the French American Cultural Exchange Foundation. Oftentimes, these organizations come together to host a variety of public events that promote French culture. Some examples of public events are:

• Bastille Day, the annual French independence day street fair
• French film festivals (namely, Films on the Green, hosted by the Cultural Services of the French Embassy, FACE Foundation, and NYC Parks & Recreation; and Rendez-Vous with French cinema, which hosts film screenings at the Film Society of Lincoln Center, the Brooklyn Academy of Music, and the IFC Center),
• lectures and workshops at Albertine, a French bookstore opened by the Cultural Services Division,
• Jour du Macaron, a day where participating bakeries across the city give out free macarons,
• and organized pétanque games and alliances at Bryant Park and Washington Square Park.

 

Themes:

Across all the interviews, there were several themes that stood out in particular.

Expatriate versus immigrant:

When starting my research project, I was unsure which term to use to address the French community living in NYC. Expatriate and immigrant are both loaded terms with connotations pertaining to socioeconomic class and race. In writings by Americans living in France, I most often saw that they used the term “expat” to refer to themselves. An expat usually describes an occidental, white, and at-least middle class person living in a foreign country. Meanwhile, an immigrant usually refers to lower class people of color escaping their poor country to make a better life in a different country. According to various definitions, expatriate and immigrant essentially mean the same thing: a person who lives abroad. However, in some definitions, expatriate can mean temporarily while immigrant is always permanently.

In my interviews, I raised the question of how they identify themselves, curious of their response. One interviewee mentioned that in French, expatriate is clearly defined as someone who works abroad temporarily under a branch of his/her company yet is still under French law. Therefore, she would not consider herself an expatriate at all. If she had to choose, she would call herself an immigrant to defy the xenophobic connotations of the term. However, during the interview, the term “foreigner” also came up, which is possibly due to the translation of the more neutral French term for people living abroad: étranger. Another interviewee also refers to herself as a foreigner in general. However, sometimes she calls herself an immigrant when trying to make a point about the way foreigners are sometimes treated/regarded in America.

On the contrary, another interviewee said that he only calls himself French and even if he lived here for the rest of his life, he would always consider himself French. That is the culture he grew up with and the culture he will always have within him. In regards to the terms expatriate and immigrant, those are clearly politically charged inequalities that have been built into society. As for the exchange students with a definite return date to France, they simply refer to themselves as study abroad students.

Whereas many of the Americans living in France describe themselves, in their memoirs, as expatriates without much, if any, discussion of the term, the people I have interviewed, who are under 30, tend to shy away from this term. Perhaps it is a generational difference or perhaps a cultural one.

Why NYC?

Surprisingly, a few of the interviewees did not have a clear answer as to why they chose to come to NYC. They simply came to NYC because they followed opportunities that led them here, such as a spouse or an internship. The students I interviewed, however, tended to come to NYC because it was relevant to their studies i.e., acting and film.

For exchange students, the subway played an important role in choosing to study abroad in NYC as opposed to California. As a student who does not know how to drive or does not own a car and will only be staying for a short period of time, public transportation is extremely important. While the subway system is not as extensive as the metro in Paris, it is very useful and convenient in terms of running 24/7.

Some qualities that the interviewees admired in NYC, which influenced their decisions to move here, are the dynamic atmosphere, the diversity, and its reputation as one of the greatest cities. Many of the interviewees have also cited a fascination amongst the French for America and, specifically, for New York City. People in France are just as fascinated with NYC as Americans are fascinated with Paris. Romanticized depictions often fuel the desire to live in NYC. For the most part, according to my interviewees, NYC has lived up to their expectations. In fact, many of them find the city to be safer and more welcoming than big cities France.

Friendship:

The concept of friendship differs between France and America. According to my interviewees and my experience living in France for a year, in France, there are different terms for what Americans simply call “friend.” A close friend, whom you have known for a long time is called un(e) ami(e). A friend you have just met or with whom you are not particularly close is called un copain/une copine or un(e) pote. In America though, aside from the term “best friend,” there is no distinction amongst different intimacy levels of friendship.

Another difference between the two cultures is how friends are made. In France, friendship is seen as something earned. Someone you meet and like does not automatically become a friend. You would typically see them several times before considering them a friend. To the American eyes, the French can seem cold upon first meeting. However, once you become friends, it is generally a sure and certain friendship.

However, in America, it is very easy to get along with people from the start. Americans immediately call each other “friends” if they are enjoying one another’s company. Yet, especially in New York City, following up with a friend is very difficult. You may exchange contact information after the first meeting, but trying to hang out again is a challenge. Even amongst already long time established friends, hanging out can be difficult because everyone is too busy.

This was a recurring theme brought up in each interview, about which each interviewee felt strongly. From the French perspective, friendship in America can seem shallow. Although it appears to be easy to make friends, it is difficult to genuinely remain friends. My interviewees have stated that it is very difficult in NYC to make new friends that will last a long time.

Comparisons:

One interesting comment I received in a few of my interviews was the idea that comparing things is very “American.” None of my interview questions addressed this topic. Rather, this topic was a result of my phrasing of questions. I asked, “What is your favorite thing about NYC?” “What were some of your biggest cultural shocks?” “How would you compare NYC to Paris?” The response I often received was: “I never really think to compare. It is very American to think of things in terms of superlatives or comparisons.” Apparently, it is not as common to instinctively compare things as Americans typically do. I was surprised upon hearing this because it is not something I really noticed. But after the first comment, I began to realize that I did, in fact, encounter difficulty getting an answer while asking a superlative question to French people I met while I was studying in the country.

One interviewee noted that when she looked on English Wikipedia pages, she noticed that the introductory blurb usually included a line describing how said person or thing was/is the best at/of something. This intriguing cultural difference was not obvious to me at all. Why do Americans like to emphasize superlatives/comparatives whereas the French do not?

 

Some remarks on the interviewees:

Essentially all of the interviewees stated that they do not go out of the way to seek out French people. It is nice to have a French friend to relate to, but one is enough. Surprisingly, none of my interviewees find themselves constantly surrounded by other French living abroad, even the interviewees who are studying abroad through a program.

Two of the interviewees mentioned that living in NYC helped them either quit smoking or smoke less. This is due to the higher costs of cigarettes as well as a change in social habits. Smoking is much less prevalent in NYC and even has a strong stigma attached to it. They stated that they do not feel as strong of a need to smoke in social settings.

The interviewees range in background, from city dwellers (Paris residents and the suburbs) to former residents of small towns. However, all of them have lived in a big city at some point in their lives before moving to New York. All of them have at least a Bachelor’s degree (or the equivalent) or are currently in the process of completing it.

Responses to how long they intend to stay in NYC vary. A few responded that they see themselves in NYC for a long time. Some said they currently have no intention to stay in NYC permanently, however, they would enjoy a few more years in the city.

 

Some final observations:

All of my interviewees stated that being French in a Francophile city made them feel more French than they ever were back in France. Suddenly, being French takes precedence over any other part of their identities. This is frustrating at the beginning, however, overtime, they realize that there is no point in denying it. They find themselves wanting to fit in, but at the same time, ostracized by the very own community that welcomes their culture. The Francophile nature of the city that accepts French immigrants also exoticizes them, labeling them as foreigners – others, a source of curiosity, and a novelty.

 

Additional [statistical] research on the current French population in New York City:

In 2011, the Consulate general of France in New York conducted a survey on the French residential population residing under the consular jurisdiction (New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, and Bermuda) to learn more about the its characteristics. 4,733 responded out of an approximated 16,000 solicited, making the response rate about 30%. The three major categories on which respondents were interrogated were: their personal situation, their professional situation, and their relationship with the Consulate general of France in New York. For understanding the current French population in New York City and their motivations for coming to the U.S., only the first two categories are relevant. (The following data and findings are a translation of the original French version.)

 

The general characteristics of the respondents are as follow: 50% (2,366) male participation, 50% (2,367) female. The age bracket most represented were 36-45 years old (1,459 – 31%), followed by 26-35 years old (1,301 – 27%). Some important notes: those under 18 years old are barely represented since the consulate’s contact with minors are, for the most part, under thesupervision of their parents. As for the low participation of 18-25 year olds, this may be accounted for by understanding their place in the population abroad. Many under this age bracket are only abroad for a short period of time (as a student, intern, etc.). Therefore, registering with the consulate does not offer them much incentive. Furthermore, it is possible that some of those in this age bracket initially registered under their parent’s email addresses while they were minors and have not updated their contact information since then. As a result, they would not have received the survey through email. A possible explanation for the smaller participation from the 46-55 year olds and 56-65 years old is that they returned to their country of origin after an expatriation made early in their career. However, this is still unclear. Lastly, only 8% of those over the age 65 responded. This can be explained by the growing phenomenon of returning to one’s country of origin at the time of retirement.

The next section of general characteristics focuses on nationality. The French-Americans appear much less represented, possibly because they do not wish to declare their American nationality. Amongst them, 61% have reported a third nationality. On the other hand, 312 respondents stated that they have a second nationality (not American). The second chart lists the different second and third nationalities declared by the respondents. This section draws upon the important question of “who is French?” How do these respondents, as well as the rest of the population, identify themselves?

NATIONALITY	%
French	61
French and American	32
French and Other	7
” total double nationality	39
TOTAL	100

 

OTHER NATIONALITIES	%
Canada	13.1
Switzerland	4.5
Lebanon	4.2
Algeria	3.8
Germany	2.9
Morocco	2.9
Israel	2.9
Mexico	2.6
Italy	2.2
Belgium	1.9
Tunisia	1.6
Argentina	1.6
Australia	1.3
Bermuda	1.3
Chili	1.3
Brazil	1.3
Colombia	1.0
Spain	1.0
Portugal	1.0
Senegal	1.0
Dominican Republic	0.6
Haiti	0.3
Iran	0.6
OTHER	45.2

The last general characteristic concerns relationship status. 3,114 (66%) of the respondents stated that they are married compared to 48% of the population in France in 2007 (statistics from Insee, the French National Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies). 816 (17%) are single, 325 (7%) live with their partner, 248 (5%) are divorced, 80 (2%) are separated, 71 (2%) are widowed, and 65 (1%) are “Pacsé” – under a civil solidarity pact, basically a contractual form of a civil union for organizing the couple’s joint life. The remaining 14 respondents (less than 1%) declared “other.”

One of the most important pieces of information from this survey pertaining to the presence of French culture in New York City is the statistics of French residing in the city and their division through the boroughs. The following chart presents the locations of the respondents based on their zip codes. The postal codes helped identify the even more precise information of their boroughs.

Localization (zip code)	%
State of New York	77
New York City	61.5
Manhattan	45
Brooklyn	10
Queens	5
Bronx	1
Staten Island	0.5

 

However, when looking at the respondents’ locations by cities mentioned, as opposed to postal codes, only 58.4% (2,748 out of 4,706) cite New York City. The French population in Manhattan significantly outweighs the other boroughs. If we compare the number living in Manhattan to total in New York City, the percentage comes out to be: 73.2% of the population residing in New York City lives in Manhattan.

The graph on the following page further details the locations of residents in Manhattan by their general neighborhoods. 28% live in Upper East Side, making it the most prominent location for the French population. Midtown and Upper West Side come in second with 15-20%. Looking at these statistics, it is reasonable to state that the majority of the French population lives in affluent neighborhoods. According to WNYC’s study on the median income of NYC neighborhoods for 2010-2012, the median income for the Upper East Side was $101,417. The Upper West Side comes in at $93,258 and Midtown, $84,421. However, this does not imply that the residents are affluent. Simply, it is notable that areas with a higher concentration of the French community are located in these specific neighborhoods.

In regards to the professional situation of the respondents, the majority has a very high level of education. 52% have a Master’s degree and 13%, a doctorate. In total, over 90% have at least a Bac +2 (high school diploma plus two years of higher education), compared to 23% of the total French population in France (according to Insee). Only 1% does not have any diploma, compared to 20% in France. 80% (3,777) of the respondents claim to be engaged in a professional activity, as opposed to 63% of French on the national level in France. Of those who are engaged in a professional activity, the numbers are as follows:

56% are salaried workers at a company, 16% are independent entrepreneurs, 12% are other, 8% are salaried workers at an administrative office, 6% in scientific fields, 1% at an internship, and less than 1% are members of an NGO. Those who responded “Other” include officials at international organizations and teachers/university professors, neither of which are represented in any of the categories. These two categories account for 70% of “Other.” 10% responded artist or writer. The rest is composed of lawyers, freelancers, independent translators, doctors, etc. 70% of the professional activities of the respondents fall under the Insee category of intellectual organizations and professions, whereas only 12% of France falls under this category. There are also more executive managers abroad than in France.

Those who are inactive professionally responded as follows:

27% are retired, 13% are looking for employment, 30% are stay-at-home, less than 1% are apprentices, 15% are students, 4% are volunteers, 6% are simply inactive, and 4% are “other.”

The last major category concerns expatriation. More than half of the respondents have been in the U.S. less than 10 years. 1/5 have been in the U.S. less than 3 years. When answering how long do you still plan to stay in the U.S., 30% said they planned to stay permanently. For temporary expatriates, the range most often mentioned is two to five years (16% of the respondents). More than one-third said they no idea how long their stay will last.

The principal reasons for coming to the U.S. are either professional or affective/sentimental. Improving one’s career was the most cited reason, creating an image of the U.S. as a very dynamic country and a beholder of opportunities.

This chart above shows respondents’ answers when they were allowed to cite multiple reasons by ranking them.

The chart above shows respondent’s principal reasons when they were only allowed to cite one reason. Here, following one’s partner takes the lead instead.

Principal reasons for coming to the U.S.	% – citing multiple/ranking (# of respondents)	% – citing only one reason (# of respondents)
Improvement of career	39 (1,846)	17 (786)
Follow partner	29 (1,359)	22 (1,029)
Professional necessity	28 (1,339)	18 (847)
Discover another culture	27 (1,280)	7 (334)
Desire to leave France	25 (1,185)	5 (254)
Prefer the American professional style	21 (1,012)	4 (212)
Continue studies	17 (826)	13 (601)
Increase revenues	16 (767)	<1 (30)
Learn another language	16 (761)	2 (76)
Other	8 (384)	6 (263)
Born in the U.S.	7 (320)	6 (266)
Trace back ancestors	2 (109)	<1 (25)

 

Reasons such as discovering another culture, wanting to leave France, and preference for the American professional style were shown to be less decisive reasons for moving to U.S., however, they helped finalize the decision to become an expatriate. Learning a new language and increasing revenues were shown to be very less cited in both cases, however, this data seems to contradict the 2008 research done by la Maison des Français de l’Etranger, which showed 23% were mainly motivated by learning a new language, 24% by increasing revenues. Results will also differ depending on whether the respondents are American citizens because they were born here or moved here because of their parents at a young age.

Some conclusions that can be drawn from this information is that the French population in contact with the Consulate general in New York seems to be of higher social status, in terms of level of education, professional careers, and affluent neighborhoods. In general, the representation of French in the New York consular jurisdiction is disproportionate in the categories mentioned than the French in France (at the national level). One possibility could be that those who have the means to live abroad are better off in terms of education and careers. The motives for moving tend to fall under the social definition of “expatriation” as opposed to immigration. The information presented in this study is important in laying the foundation of the population. It helps establish the general characteristics as very well-educated, affluent professionals.

 

Additional resources:

WNYC. “Median Income | NYC Neighborhoods.” Accessed November 17, 2014. http://project.wnyc.org/median-income-nabes/