– Foner’s article draws attention to the fact that the census is only as accurate as the information volunteered by those filling it out.  Foner cites the example of light-skinned Cubans in Miami who identified themselves as white on the 2000 Census so as to disassociate themselves from the stigma of “less successful” (1008) Hispanics.  I have a light-skinned Cuban friend who attests to this disassociation; he remarks that, in Cuba, he always identified himself as white – personally and on paper.  However, in New York, he finds himself checking off “Hispanic” when filling out the ethnicity box on forms.  This change, he explains, is driven mostly by the fact that he realizes others here view him as Hispanic.  It thus becomes clear that cultural views of race shape an individual’s self-perception and play a pivotal role in explaining why the census may or may not be completely accurate.

– Foner’s discussion about the second generation’s interactions with native whites and minorities sheds light upon cultural assimilation patterns that vary among ethnic groups.  Foner points out that the formation of multi-ethnic groups emerges as students from different backgrounds develop friendships with one another and consequently form “a new kind of multiculturalism” (1017).  This type of inclusion is a marked characteristic of New York, perhaps validating the exceptional nature of this city.  Foner highlights the City University of New York as one manifestation of this type of multiculturalism.  Indeed, the diversity of CUNY students is made readily apparent by the variety of languages that can be heard spoken in the halls of Hunter!  Further, new immigrants to New York are provided with a multitude of educational opportunities through the CUNY system.

– How can students access demographic information about second generation children and their lifestyle choices?  How can a researcher gather such information to gain unskewed data?