NY/LA Response

In The Transformation of Chinese American Communities, Zhou, Chin, and Kim discuss the changing circumstances of Chinese immigrants and the places they live.  One aspect I found interesting was the difference in the expectations of past European and Chinese immigrants.  It was said that European immigrants were expected to assimilate into mainstream American society quickly, and they did.  The Chinese immigrants, on the other hand, were banned from immigration, naturalization, and assimilation by the laws of the time.  For example, the Chinese Exclusion Act did not permit Chinese immigrants to come to the United States.  At other times, there were quotas on the number of immigrants allowed, and the number of Chinese immigrants was small compared to immigrants from other countries.  When Chinese immigrants were allowed in, they lived in Chinatowns with their own workplaces where they did not have to compete with natives.  This is different from today as well.  Now, Chinese immigrants and other immigrants come from different socioeconomic backgrounds with different levels of education.  These people live in various places from small Chinatowns to larger ethnic enclaves and global ethnoburbs.

One interesting link made was between what the ethnic neighborhoods do for immigrants.  As time goes on, middle-class immigrants are continuing to enter the country; however, they are able to go to not only cities but suburbs as well.  Still, ethnic communities, like Chinatowns, provide immigrants with what they need when they get here.  These neighborhoods are able to create an ethnic community and economy with strong capital and resources.  Still, the people in these places are still connected to the outside world.  They have links to back home; however, they use them as a way to intertwine their lives and culture with life in America.

Zhou, Chin, Kim Response

I really enjoyed reading this article because it shed light on a very positive side of immigration. It has become ingrained in our heads that people immigrate to new countries for better opportunities, mostly driven by a desire for monetary success. Often times, in conversations, it would not be surprising to hear something along the lines of “Well, their country is successful already, I don’t see why he would want to come here, anyway”. I never questioned it, and just accepted such generalized conclusions because they seemed plausible enough. This article greatly broadened the scope of immigration and why people really immigrate to new countries. I found it interesting how there are many different reasons that go beyond the limitations of seeking monetary success. These reasons include finding not just monetary success, but financial stability for themselves, being able to develop a stable establishment here, from which they can use their benefits and profits to further help those back home. This article also touches upon how many immigrants come here in hopes of finding some sort of stability in either insurance or for their children, and it is not something they seek for temporary gain. Their investments in real estate show that they are here to stay, which is just a more positive feature in immigration.

I liked how this article seemed to emphasize a policy of give-and-take between the city and the immigrants. They come here with already developed skills and talents, and put these abilities to practical use not only to help themselves, but to also contribute to the city, as well. This reminded me of an oath that we had to recite upon entering my high school alma mater. The Ephebic Oath essentially stated that a person would wield his talents and put them to practical use, for the purpose of serving their community and leaving their country greater and better than they found it. These words greatly resounded with me as I was reading this article on how these well established and highly skilled Asian immigrants come to America to benefit both themselves and their country in many different ways, including financially, as their work benefits the economy, as well as promoting diversity, as they are coming from all different parts of Asia, as well, and distributing this immense diversity throughout many different parts and neighborhoods of the cities.

– Nadera Rahman

Response to Zhou, Chin, and Kim

This reading was very interesting because I was surprised to learn that better wages and employment is no longer the driving force behind emigration. Because of the global economic restructuring, immigration to American has not only become a means of escape for many immigrants who are suffering either political or religious turmoil or extreme poverty, but for more complex reasons such as accessing institutionalized credit and insurance markets, educational opportunities for their children, and formal and informal migration networks. A large part of this change is due to the types of immigrants that are coming to this country. Instead of the poor,uneducated masses, a new class of highly-skilled, educated, and even affluent Chinese immigrants are beginning to emerge.

As a result, this new class of Chinese immigrants is taking over neighborhoods in both New York and Los Angeles and gentrifying the neighborhoods. They have created these “ethnoburbs” and in fact made many neighborhoods more diverse. I was also surprised that the different Chinatowns, especially in New York represent different populations of Chinese immigrants. Living in New York CIity all my life and being to both Manhattan and Flushing’s Chinatowns many times I had always assumed the immigrants were largely Cantonese immigrants. However, according to the article, the immigrants that settled into Flushing were mainly Taiwanese who were skilled and educated and thus Flushing became a thriving commercial area.

In the creation of all these new Chinatowns, and other ethnoburbs, a lot of the authenticity of these neighborhoods and not simply assimilating to become “‘indistinguishably’ American or white” is reliant on communication and the ever progressing technology. Immigrating to America no longer means losing connection with family and traditional roots of the emigrated country because most places are only a Skype phone call away.

Emma Park-Hazel

LA/NYC

This article explores the changing immigration patterns of the Asian population in the region of LA/NYC. The article makes it evident that newly arriving Chinese immigrants are forming more a middle class and are not settling in purely Asian areas. Youngsters are becoming more and more Americanized, yet are still keeping in touch with their Asian roots because of places like Chinatown in NYC. The article strays away from the previous pieces in that the newly arriving Asians are more affluent and are generally more into the middle class of society, instead of the lower class like they used to be in the time of when factory work was so popular. What I also found interesting was the vast difference between the many Asian languages that for the longest time I found to be very similar. For example, those who know Cantonese do not necessarily know Mandarin and vice versa.

Question: Why did the Asian population choose places like Canal St. in Manhattan and Homecrest in Brooklyn to migrate to originally?

Response to New York vs Los Angeles

I thought it was interesting that the immigrants that are coming to the US now and not coming for jobs and higher wages than they would have in their home country. The article said more people are coming for things like better education for their children. It was surprising to me because the impression I get is that it is still money that drives a lot of immigration. However, it is cool how immigrants that came to the US in 2010 helped get California out of recession. Facts like that make immigration seem if not essential to the US economy, then at least very helpful. It is true that investment in US real estate shows how immigrants are interested in staying in US, and I think the fact that immigrants who are coming in have money to invest is beneficial to the economy. It seems like a great exchange: people who come to the US looking get whatever they’re looking for and also bring their skills and possibly wealth to benefit the US. Both parties benefit. The fact that a lot of Chinese people are now taking governmental positions shows how these people are definitely not those who come to US to just look for work, but they live in the US and are making this country their own. Some neighborhoods with a Chinese majority are home to recent immigrants and others to those who are well established, but the choice is there for people, they can choose which neighborhood to live in depending on whether they want a city life or want to move to the suburbs eventually.

“The Transformation of Chinese American Communities”-Response

This article explores the changes in trends of Asian American immigration and settlement in the cities of NY and LA. The most prominent new development is the increase and growth of middle-class immigrant Chinese communities. The “new” immigrants usually are better educated and more economically affluent than their 19th and 20th century predecessors and while Chinatowns still primarily serve as places for obtaining employment and a sense of community, the new Chinatowns in both NY and LA are much better linked globally on political, economic, and social levels. Instead of isolating their inhabitants, new Chinatowns serve as pathways to assimilation and incorporation into mainstream American society. I thought it was interesting how Monterey Park in LA is predominantly Chinese while Flushing and Sunset Park in NY are more “global” in that they harbor a more diverse mix of Asian ethnicities, this leads me to wonder: how did this particular trend affect the residential mobility prescribed to each of the neighborhoods? How does this affect each of these areas politically?

Chinatowns Through and Through

The term ghetto gets many negative connotations in todays language, however the ghettoization of a neighborhood is just the place in which minorities live together mainly due to societal and economic pressures.  Areas in large cities have turned into ghettos throughout the years, especially during times of large amounts of immigration.  The Chinese in particular create one of the most popular sections of many cities, including New York City and Los Angeles.  These Chinatowns while made of people of the same origin are very different.

One important fact for each of the Chinatowns, is that as time goes on, and with the increase in sophistication of the technology, the communities are linked more to their cultures and the rest of the world and city.  I initially believed that as time goes on the communities would become less and less like their initial roots, but with the upcoming and recent technology this is understandable.  Within my own family this is true, my Nonna who lives in Astoria, Queens, is able to talk to her sisters who are living in South Africa and Trieste, Italy.

It also surprised me that the communities in both cities are becoming more ethnically diverse.  When visiting Chinatown in Manhattan, it is easy to tell that is a Chinese neighborhood, however, being of non-Asian background, I do not feel out of place.  These neighborhoods are being ‘ethnoburbs,’ multicultural, a neighborhood made of a mixture of various ethnic groups.  Though the neighborhoods within Los Angeles and New York City are different especially in effect of this mixture of ethnic groups, they have many commonalities.  The mixture I believe adds to the notion of “Americanness,” which differs from what those native born to these neighborhoods think.

NY vs. LA

The Chinese Exclusion Act was arguably the biggest influence on the formation of Chinatowns in the 1900s. These “old-timer” Chinese immigrants had a very hard time assimilating and were all but forced form their own organizations and attempt to survive in isolation. When the Chinese Exclusion Act was repealed in 1943, everything began to change. Over the fifty years ending in 2010, the Chinese population in America grew at rapid rates, with almost forty percent of the 3.8 million Chinese Americans having immigrated by that time coming in the 2000s. During these fifty years Chinatowns began to appear in new places, such as Flushing and Sunset Park. The numerous Chinatowns in NYC, both new and old, each attracted specific groups of Chinese immigrants, with certain trends dating back to the 1980s. For example, the Chinese population of Flushing was of higher class than that of Sunset Park, and over the years it appears that many Fujianese have settled in Brooklyn’s Sunset Park, while immigrants from Taiwan have displayed a preference for settling in Queens, many having settled in Flushing. Were there any specific reasons why new Chinatowns formed specifically in Sunset Park, Flushing, Homecrest, etc.? That is, how coincidental were the choices of location? To follow up on that, did specific groups select one location over another as their place of settlement for any particular reasons?

I found it to be rather interesting that several decades before the Flushing’s development as a Chinatown began, Monterey Park in the San Gabriel Valley, just east of Los Angeles, began to develop into a Chinatown along a similar path. The white flight and the movement of Chinese immigrants into the area, through both migration from other parts of the respective cities and immigration to the U.S. from China, combined to yield a rapid growth in Asian population in the two neighborhoods. And yet, the two went on to become the homes of different groups of Asian immigrants, with Monterey Park housing many more Japanese Americans than Flushing, while Flushing is home to many Taiwanese. It also appears that Monterey Park had gotten more support over the years than did Flushing, and the two received funds from different groups. However, the neighborhoods are located on opposite sides of the U.S. It’s very interesting how such a phenomenon could have occurred. Perhaps seeing as Flushing and Monterey Park are both becoming overcrowded microcosms, we can conclude that the groups of Asian immigrants who inhabit the two neighborhoods, as well as other Chinatowns, have core similarities that have been just as influential in the development of the groups’ cultures as have been the numerous smaller differences.

New York v. Los Angeles

In this article, the trends in the formation of ethnic enclaves in New York and Los Angeles were examined. In New York, a second Chinatown emerged as a result of the Taiwanese who were more skilled and educated and began a thriving commercial community in Flushing, Queens. In Sunset Park, as Chinese populations continued to increase, so did the number of ethnic businesses. In Los Angeles, a large number of Taiwanese immigrants brought with them their education and capital for opening businesses. As a result they were able to insert themselves directly into middle-class society. Later on, as more diverse immigrants came into the Monterery Park area, the Taiwanese dispersed to neighboring cities and created more Chinese ethnoburbs.

This article was interesting in its description of the population changes that occurred in the two communities. Flushing experienced a loss of manufacturing jobs and as a result whites moved out of the area leaving many vacancies for the incoming immigrants to take up. In Monterery Park, a 99.9 percent white population gradually decreased to 5 percent as more and more socially mobile immigrants moved in. It is interesting to see how these two areas both developed into a thriving Chinese community but in their owns way and on separate sides of the country.

It was also insightful to see how the two communities progressed in terms of politics. New York, when compared to Los Angeles, seems to have a significantly smaller number of Asians who gained political office. This was surprising because I thought New York was the most diverse, even in terms of politicians, but it was not so.

-Wendy Li

NYLA Chinatowns

For nearly a century, the Asian-American immigrants that arrived in America were perceived by many American’s as a threat to society.  The Chinese Exclusion Act, passed in 1882 and not repelled until 1943, demonstrated the tensions that existed between Chinese immigrants,  American citizens, and other immigrant groups.  The government did not want Chinese immigrants to take American jobs (xenophobia also certainly played a role).

The Exclusion Act strictly limited the ability of most Chinese people to immigrate to America, and for several decades the Chinese population living in America consisted of middle-aged working men. This created the concept of divided families that had one spouse living in America (usually the husband),  and the wife and children (especially the girls) living in China.  During this period, and even for several decades after the act was repelled, there was a stereotype of Chinese immigrants as hard working poor outsiders here to “steal” American jobs.  They rarely participated in politics, and were therefore suppressed politically and economically but other groups.

It has only been recently that a new wave of Chinese immigrants is making their mark on American society.  Without the right to become naturalized citizens in the past,  Chinese immigrants were kept out of the political process. Because of this, “Much of the political activity in Chinatowns across the nation was oriented either toward homeland politics or local neighborhood ethnic Chinese interests—such as garbage pickup, parking, and after-school and weekend Chinese language school for children (368)”.  But within the last few decades, Chinese-American’s are becoming naturalized citizens at unprecedented rates.  The new wave of Chinese immigrants is better educated, wealthier, and more politicly active than the generation of immigrants before them.  Many have achieved advanced degrees at American universities and are finding a desire to become more politically active.  Several Chinese-American immigrants have won local elections in New York City over the past decade as the Chinese use their population explosion in New York for political gain.  This trend promises fairer representation of Chinese-Americans in both local and national politics, and a better quality of life for Chinese immigrants of both today and the future.

-Victor Rerick

 

 

NYLA

What I found interesting was that while the Chinatown community was essentially isolated and confined because of the government’s laws, and this made the community of Chinatown more united. As a result of the confinement, the “old-timers created their own means of survival via ethnic economies and organizations in order to avoid direct competition with native workers while also keeping alive their sojourner’s dream that one day they would return to China with gold and glory” and “such segregated living reinforced their ethnic difference and unassimilability.” As a result of this, the “old-timers” are less likely (even nowadays) to assimilate into American society. Even after all these years, you can still see how closed off the older generation in Chinatown is compared with the younger generation of Chinatown. I still see it all the time, within my own family, when my parent’s friends tell me to “stop being so American”.

The article also talked about the development of Chinese schools that weren’t competing with public schools, but instead supplemented the education. This is relevant even today – if you walk through an Asian neighborhood, there are bound to be at least five different educational institutions for any kind of standardized testing. I, myself, have been to at least 3 different ones. During my years of going there, majority of the kids were Asian. I work at one of these institutions now, and while majority of the kids still are Asian, there are definitely more kids who are not Asian present. This was something I hadn’t seen before, back around five years ago.

Response to the NYLA article

The NYLA examines the differences in dynamics over the years of the Chinese communities both in New York city and Los Angeles.

– In New York City, the Downtown Manhattan Chinatown used to be the main center of Chinese immigrants, the heart of their community. These old-time immigrants’ societies used to be extremely closed and culture-focused. This was a consequence to the Chinese Exclusion Acts and the many difficulties that the Chinese immigrants were faced with that forced them to alienate from the rest of the American society. As many changes to the city came about in the years, such as 9/11, the development of a strong real estate market and increase in the number of Chinese immigrants themselves, the way these Asian communities were structured change drastically. People started moving to Flushing, Queens and Sunset Park, Brooklyn.  The new wave of immigrants were young, skilled workers who were more willing to interlace with the American society and uniform. The Chinese community grew stronger, politically active and socially involved with the whole neighborhood as a whole rather than just with their co-ethnics. Instead of just family-owned small businesses, the new Chinese communities are dynamic, modern and globally linked.

– As a parallelism, in Los Angeles something similar happened. Monterey Park went from a small, quiet, mostly white community, to a 24-hour active, Chinese neighborhood. As the prices of homes became more affordable and these immigrants started moving into this area, they shaped the community according to factors that include their skills, interests and the economy. Just like New York, skilled workers with college degrees was the main characterization of the new wave of immigrants, allowing for more entrepreneurship, opening businesses and building huge residential complexes that modernized and refaced the community completely. Just like in Flushing and Sunset Park, the Chinese population living in the Monterey Park became more politically and socially active, motivated by the ease the government gave them in becoming permanent residents, which allowed them to be extremely politically successful and interactive with the neighborhood community in a very productive way.

Sara Camnasio

Ethnoburb

One thing I found interesting in “The Transformation of Chinese American Communities,” other than the word “ethnoburb,” was the description of San Gabriel’s Chinese ethnoburb. It was described as quite large, yet the community was still able to develop and be close because of social organizations as well as businesses. I feel like this is also quite evident in Chinatown here in Manhattan, especially from what we’ve heard of its earlier history: everyone knew each other, and they all visited the same places in order to be social with one another. Another thing that I found to be interesting was the article’s discussion of the language and cultural barriers within the Chinese immigrants – those from different provinces in China, Hong Kong, or Taiwan; those who spoke Mandarin, Cantonese, or their own province’s dialect. It is definitely something that, even today, people who don’t know the culture or the language very well wash over – believing everyone in China to be one and the same. Many times I have been asked if I understand Cantonese, when I am learning Mandarin and haven’t been able to understand Cantonese since I was a child.

Transforming Communities

– The article draws attention to the cultural differences and language barriers (for example, Cantonese vs. Mandarin) that exist among the Chinese immigrants who originate from Taiwan, China, and Hong Kong.  It is interesting to note that the Chinese Exclusion Act generalized the group as a whole in barring their migration, completely overlooking the fact that these differences even exist.

– It is interesting to note that Chinese outmigration can be likened to white flight.  The article draws upon the opinion of those who fled Monterey Park because they felt it was becoming overcrowded and unsafe (380).  This migration can be attributed to the growing class diversity that exists because established immigrants sponsor their relatives that may not be so wealthy.  These relatives are generally working class and do not possess English language proficiency.   Within this coethnic group, the more well-to-do seek to disassociate themselves with the stereotype of being “immigrant and poor” (380).  The presence of this phenomenon among the Chinese immigrant community suggests that the multifaceted attitudes towards others of different socioeconomic backgrounds transcends issues of race.

– It is interesting to note the similarities and differences that exist between the traditional Chinatowns and areas such as Monterey Park, Sunset Park, and Flushing.  Both areas of settlement provide workers with employment opportunities; however, the traditional Chinatowns are not quite as globally linked – economically, culturally, and socially – to the outside world.  Chinatowns are ethnic enclaves that seem to be more self-contained.

– In the increasing trend among Chinese generations to become “American”, what elements of their Chinese culture do they shed?  What elements do they retain?

The Transformation of Chinese American Communities-Anissa Daimally

-I was intrigued that the Taiwanese immigrants did not move into Manhattan Chinatown because they did not identify with the others that lived there. The language barrier between the Taiwanese and the old timers in Manhattan created a “subtle social distance,” separating the “coethnics who spoke Cantonese or other southern regional dialects from those who spoke Mandarin.” Furthermore, I learnt in class that the Taiwanese are more educated and earn more money than the other Chinese immigrants; they have a higher socioeconomic status than the residents in Chinatown.

-I found it ironic that Councilwoman Julia Harrison, who was depicted as an “anti-Asian bigot,” endorsed John Liu, a Taiwanese immigrant, for the Councilman position. She previously publicly referred to the “influx of Asian immigrants and Asian-owned businesses as an ‘invasion.'” What caused her to change her views on Asian Americans?

-I think it’s great that the Chinese leaders of the new social service organizations in Los Angeles are interested in interethnic relations. Unlike members of the “old ethnic elite,” they are making an effort at assimilation, which is very important for immigrants. They should not try to exclude themselves from the rest of society. While their cultural identity is important, it does not mean that they will lose it when they interact with other ethnicities.

The Transformation of Chinese American Communities Response

-When I read that in the 1990s an “anti-Asian bigot” had won two elections when she was running against Asian Americans on both occasions in Flushing, I was flabbergasted. How could that be when Asians made up almost one-third of the population? Why was only seven percent of the Asian population registered voters? Did political acts such as the Chinese Exclusion Act cause Asian Americans to distant themselves as far away from politics as they could get? If so, what made them regain their faith in the American government? Or, did the Chinese’s lack of faith convince them that they should finally vote and partake in the government by being officials and controlling their own affairs/destiny? As the article pointed out towards the end, “the [eventual] electoral success of the Chinese immigrant community reaffirms the democratic message that every vote counts, which in turn empowers Chinese immigrants, nurtures a greater sense of civic duty, and facilitates their incorporation into the American polity.” Despite feeling as though they may not have a voice, I believe the great thing about the US is that if an individual or group of people, native born or naturalized citizens, make an effort to be heard, they will.

-It was also very interesting how Old Chinatown paved the way for places like Monterey Park. Rather than being isolated, these newer communities are maintaining better economic, social and political ties. They are finally realizing the importance of active assimilation. Did the mold of Chinatown lay the foundation of what should and shouldn’t be done when a new ethnic enclave comes about in a community?

-What were the visual differences between Old Chinatown and Chinatown of the here and now as compared to communities like Monterey Park? Is the visual differences as apparent as the divisions between the economic makeup, social landscape and political ties?